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CO 2 5> ^ >NDC # "I rilllSNI^NVINOSHHWS S3 I ava 8 11 LI B RAR I ES SMITHSONIAN^INST < N^^ CO ES SMITHSONIAN~INSTITUTION NOIinillSNI NVIN0SH1IWS CO Z » CO Z CO X %*SN& CO v* ^ ° rilllSNI NVIN0SHllWSt'>S3IHVaan LIBRARIES^SMITHSONIAN IIS CO = CO z CO q: r£l- -J Z URIES SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NOIinillSNI NVIN0SH1IWS S3 1 z r- z r ^ Z CO CO ± CO nillSNI NVIN0SH1MS S3iavaai1 LIBRARIES SMITHSONIAN INST z ^ co z w, co 2 Z Av*1 •wlA -: co * z oo RARIES SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NOIinillSNI NVIN0SH1MS S3 I CO ^ CO — 00 ■ w I1 J nu±SNi"JNviN0SHiii/\is S3 1 ava a n li b rar i es smithsonian^inst z r- o co ± co ^ co RARIES SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NOIinillSNI NVIN0SH1IWS S3 I I co Z * CO Z CO 00 CO £< co t CO i J ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D., Litt.D. DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH IN THE CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON SPANISH EXPLORATION IN THE SOUTHWEST 1542— 1706 EXPLORATION ON THE NORTHERN FRONTIER Of NEW SPAIN 1535-1706 COMPILED BY HERBERT BOLT OF 1915 Scale of Miles 100 200 300 ^r«<n,»u ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HIS TOR Y SPANISH EXPLORATION IN THE SOUTHWEST 1542—1706 EDITED BY HERBERT EUGENE BOLTON, Ph.D. PROFESSOR OF AMERICAN HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 31505 WITH THREE MAPS > • > •» t ». !• >• s> ■»> ' . %. " ' • ; : .•..■■- CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS NEW YORK 1916 ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HIS TOR Y SPANISH EXPLORATION IN THE SOUTHWEST 1542—1706 EDITED BY HERBERT EUGENE BOLTON, Ph.D. PROFESSOR OF AMERICAN HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 21505 WITH THREE MAPS . ; . . .- » CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS NEW YORK ------ i9i6 COPYRIGHT, I916, BY CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS Published February, 1916 (I C < r c < c c » • c < • < c < " « 6 « 0 « w I 1 » » r ' c <■ « < , < ' ■ 6 e . 2 ; • ; #» • » « < / < ( ; PREFACE This volume is logically the successor in the series of Original Narratives to the one edited by Hodge and Lewis under the title of Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528-1543. In one important respect the present volume differs from the series in general. The other volumes consist mainly of reproductions of documents which have hitherto appeared in English; but of this volume approximately only one-third of the documents have hitherto been published in English; about one-third have been published in Spanish only; while nearly one-third have never been published hitherto in any language. Of the five documents in the collection which formerly have been published in English, three have been retranslated for this work. In the selection of the documents it was decided to illustrate with some fullness the cardinal episodes in the history of the region and period covered, rather than to treat more lightly a larger num- ber of topics. This procedure has left the history of seventeenth- century New Mexico almost a blank after its founding by Onate. The brief historical introductions are designed to increase the in- terest and intelligibility of the documents by giving a connected view of the development of the whole northern frontier of New Spain during the period covered, as well as to furnish the necessary bio- graphical and bibliographical data. Of the translations here reprinted, that of Massanet's Carta is by Professor Lilia M. Casis, of the University of Texas; and that of De Leon's Itinerary of 1689 is by Miss Elizabeth Howard West, formerly state archivist of Texas. The remaining documents were translated for this work by the editor, assisted by Mrs. Beatrice Quijada Cornish, Mrs. Edith C. Galbraith, Mrs. Anne Hughes Kean, and Miss Elizabeth Howard West. For the final form of the trans- lations the editor is in each case responsible. Thanks are due to Reverend Father Thomas Lantry O'Neill, C. S. P., of Newman Hall, Berkeley, California, and to Reverend Father Zephyrin Engelhardt, vi PREFACE O. F. M., of Santa Barbara, California, for assistance in the render- ing of expressions relating to matters of Catholic doctrine and Church practices. Of the maps, that which serves as the frontispiece to the volume, a map of explorations on the northern frontier of New Spain during the whole period from 1535 to 1706, has been compiled by me for the present work largely from original data. The second is a repro- duction of the official map of Onate's route to New Mexico in 1598 and of his journey to the Arkansas River in 1601, taken from the original in the Archives of the Indies (Archivo General de Indias) at Seville. This original, never before published, was made by the royal cosmographer (in Mexico), Enrico Martinez. It measures 30 centimetres by 42. The third map is a reproduction of the official map of De Leon's route in 1690 from Monclova to the Neches River. The original, evidently made by Siguenza, is in the Archives of the Indies and has never before been published. It measures 58 centi- metres by 58. H. E. Bolton. CONTENTS SPANISH EXPLORATION IN THE SOUTHWEST Edited by Herbert Eugene Bolton PAGE I. Exploration and Plans for the Settlement of California . . 1 1. The Cabrillo-Ferrelo Expedition 1 Introduction 3 Relation of the Voyage of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo . . 13 Cabrillo sets Sail; reaches Lower California 13 Sails northward along the Coast 14 At Cedros and San Estevan Islands 16 Takes Possession; Puerto de la Posesion 18 Sails northward; San Agustin 20 San Martin; Cabo de Cruz 21 San Miguel (San Diego) Bay 23 San Salvador; La Vitoria; Los Fumos 24 Indians and their Pueblos 26 Cape Galera and Shelter near it 27 From Cape Galera to Northwest Cape; Storms .... 30 Bay of Los Pinos; Drake's Bay 32 Winter at Isla de la Posesion; Death of Cabrillo ... 33 Further Storms; Beating among the Islands .... 34 Ferrelo sails north to 44° 36 His Vessels separate on the Return 38 Reunite at Isla de Cedros; return to New Spain . . . .39 2. The Vizcaino Expedition 41 Introduction 43 Diary of Sebastian Vizcaino 52 Departure of Vizcaino from the City of Mexico .... 52 Departure from Acapulco 53 From Navidad 54 From the Islands of Mazatlan 55 In Magdalena Bay 59 In San Hipolito Bay 63 In Port San Bartolome 64 Admiral's Ship rejoins Captain's Ship 66 Exploration into the Interior 67 vii Vlll CONTENTS PAGE Cerros Island; Council decides to proceed 68 Heavy Storms 70 Island of San Geronimo; Port San Quentin 72 Port San Quentin to San Diego Bay; Indians . .76 Feast of San Diego; Council 80 San Diego to Santa Catalina 82 Northward Voyaging; Indians 84 Through the Santa Barbara Channel 87 Discovery of the Harbor of Monterey 90 Council; the Admiral's Ship to return 92 Flagship and Frigate sail northward 94 Cape Mendocino reached 95 Return Voyage; Severe Sufferings 97 Arrival at Mazatlan . 99 At Acapulco and at Mexico . . 100 Adventures of the Frigate 101 A Beief Report of the Discovery of the South Sea (Father Ascension) . . . 104 Memorial of Francisco de Arellano 104 Vizcaino's Expedition 106 Sails from Acapulco; Headwinds 107 The Voyage and Attendant Sufferings . . . . . 108 Geography of California . . . 109 Of Lower California Ill Its Natural Products . . .112 Methods for developing it 114 Magdalena Bay and its Region 115 San Diego Bay and its Region . . . . . .116 Bay of Monterey; Products of Country 119 Arrival at Cape Mendocino 120 Return Voyage 121 Methods for Settling of California; Soldiers .... 122 Clergy and their Conduct 124 Buildings and Trade 126 Advice as to Music and Education 128 Various Places for Settlement 129 Advancement of the Missionary Cause 131 Exhortation to the King 133 II. Exploration and Settlement in New Mexico and in Adjacent Regions 135 The RodrIguez Expedition Introduction Declaration of Pedro de Bustamante . License from the Viceroy Mendoza Bustamante on the Purposes and Plans 135 137 142 142 143 CONTENTS ix PAGE The March into New Mexico 145 The Indians and their Pueblos 146 TheBuffalos 148 The Pueblo of Puaray; the Return 149 Declaration of Hernando Barrado 151 Confirmation of the Preceding Narrative 151 Murder of the Missionaries 152 Brief and True Account of the Exploration of New Mexico . 154 March of the Nine Companions and Three Friars . . . 154 Buffalos 156 Mines and Salines 157 Report of the Viceroy to the King 158 Summary of the Expedition 158 2. The Espejo Expedition 161 Introduction 163 Account of the Journey to the Provinces and Settlements of New Mexico 168 Organization of the Expedition; Father Beltran .... 169 The March from San Bartolome down the Conchos . . .170 TheJumanos . 172 The March up the Rio Grande; the Indians . . . .175 The Tiguas; the Slaying of the Friars 179 The March to the Maguas ISO To the Quires and Pumames 181 To the Emexes (Jemez) and Acoma 182 To the Zunis and Moquis 184 The March westward to the Mines 187 Return of Father Beltran . . 188 Explorations along the Rio Grande and Pecos . . . .188 Description of the Region traversed 190 Letter of Espejo to the Viceroy 193 Letter of Espejo to the King 195 3. The On ate Expeditions and the Founding of the Province of New Mexico 197 Introduction 199 Letter written by Don Juan de On ate from New Mexico . 212 March from Nombre de Dios into New Mexico . . . .213 Mutiny and Desertion 214 The Provinces and Peoples of New Mexico 216 Its Advantages; Mines, Pearls, Tribute, Salines . . . .219 Services; Envoys; Requests 221 Account of the Discovery of the Buffalo .... 223 Expedition of Vicente de Zaldfvar . . . . . . 223 The Buffalos; the Indian Tents 226 x CONTENTS PAGE Construction of a Corral 227 Description of the Buffalo 228 Attestations of Zaldivar and Others 231 Account of the Journey to the Salines, the Xumanas, and the Sea 233 Various Salines; March to the West 234 Captains Farfan and Villagra; Moqui Province .... 236 Discovery of Excellent Mines; Return 237 Account of the Discovery of the Mines 239 Certificate of Onate; Captain Farfan 239 The Jumanos 241 Description of the Mines 244 Attestations of Quesada and Others 247 The Account of the Expedition of Onate toward the East . 250 The Indian Joseph; the Expedition Organized .... 251 The Canadian River; the Apaches 252 TheBuffalos 254 The Eastward March 256 The Fate of Humafia's Party 259 March along the Arkansas River 260 Resolution to Return 262 Treacherous Attack by the Indians 263 Attestation of Onate, the Friars, and the Soldiers . . . 265 Journey of Onate to California by Land (Zarate-Salmeron) . 268 The Province of Zufii; Cibola; Hawikuh 268 TheCruzados 270 The Amacavas; the Lake of Copalla 271 The Bahacechas; Gold, Coral, Silver 273 The Ozaras; Pearls 275 The Mouth of the Colorado 277 The Return Journey 278 III. Exploration and Settlement in Texas 281 1. The Bosque-Larios Expedition 281 Introduction 283 Diary of Fernando del Bosque 291 Sets out from Guadalupe 291 The Rio Grande del Norte 296 The Buffalo; Christian Instruction for Indians .... 298 San Pablo Ermitano; the Return 305 Indians desire Instruction; Possible Settlements .... 308 2. The Mendoza-Lopez Expedition to the Jumanos . . . .311 Introduction 313 Itinerary of Juan Domlnguez de Mendoza 320 Departure from San Lorenzo; Personnel 320 CONTENTS xi PAGE Journeys and Stages 321 The Friars Overtaken 325 The March Northward continued 326 Journey along the Salado River 329 War against the Apaches agreed to 331 Treachery of Juan de Sabeata; the Nueces reached . . . 336 The Retreat 337 The Names of the Indian Nations 339 Retreat continued 340 3. The De Leon-Massanet Expeditions 345 Introduction 347 Letter of Fray Damian Manzanet to Don Carlos de Siguenza . 353 De Le6n's Expeditions of 1686 and 1687 353 Preliminary Information 354 Expedition of 1688 356 Expedition of 1689 .357 Search for the Frenchmen 358 La Salle's Settlement found 362 Two Frenchmen found 363 The Return; Fathers Capistrano and Luzuriaga .... 364 Plans for Expedition of 1690 367 The Departure 368 The French Fort destroyed; Bay of Espfritu Santo . . . 369 Martincho and the Soldiers from Nueva Vizcaya .... 370 The Tejas Indians 372 The Two Frenchmen, Meunier and Talon, taken .... 375 The Governor and Village of the Tejas 376 The Mission of San Francisco founded 380 Friction between De Leon and Manzanet 382 The Expedition returns, leaving the Priests 384 Reflections and Complaints 385 Itinerary of the De Leon Expedition of 1689 .... 388 The Departure from Coahuila 388 Astronomical Determinations; Crossing of the Nueces . . .391 Crossing of the Guadalupe 394 Letter sent to the Frenchmen 396 Discovery of the French Fort 398 Exploration of Espfritu Santo (Matagorda) Bay .... 399 Of the San Marcos (Lavaca) River 401 The Return; Two Frenchmen found 402 Itinerary of the De Leon Expedition of 1690 .... 405 Departure from Monclova 405 Crossing of the Nueces and the Sarco 407 The French Fort destroyed 409 Capture of Pierre Talon . . . . . . .412 Of Pierre Meunier 413 xii CONTENTS PAGE The Governor and Village of the Tejas 415 Founding of San Francisco de los Tejas 416 The Return March 418 Finding of Robert and Madeleine Talon 420 Arrival at the Rio Grande 422 IV. Arizona: the Jesuits in PimerIa Alta 425 Introduction . 427 Report and Relation of the New Conversions (Father Kino) 433 Dedication to Philip V 433 Motives for Writing . . . . . . . 434 Beginnings in California . 437 Missionary Beginnings in Pimeria 440 Travels and Labors of Twenty-one Years 443 Assistance and Commendations from Other Fathers . . . 445 Baptisms and Conversions 448 Political and Commercial Advantages expected . . . .451 Riches of these Regions 457 The Natives and their Excellences . . . . . . 458 Epilogue 462 Letter of the General of the Jesuits 463 Index 465 MAPS Map of Explorations on the Northern Frontier of New Spain, 1535-1706. Compiled for the present work by Herbert E. Bolton, 1915 ......... Frontispiece PAGE Onate's Route to New Mexico in 1598 and to the Arkansas River in 1601. From the original manuscript map in the Archives of the Indies, Seville ........ 212 De Leon's Route in 1690 from Monclova to the Neches River. From the original manuscript map in the Archives of the Indies, Seville ........... 370 I. EXPLORATION AND PLANS FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF CALIFORNIA 1542-1620 1. THE CABRILLO-FERRELO EXPEDITION 1542-1543 INTRODUCTION With the discovery of the South Sea by Balboa the Span- iards began to make their way northwest along the Pacific coast. By 1543 the entire coast line had been run from Pan- ama to Oregon, not to mention the discoveries on the western shores of South America. In conducting these voyages along the seaboard of the northern continent the leading part was played by Hernando Cortes, but the work was brought to a culmination, in the exploration of the California coast, by the viceroy Mendoza. Cortes had scarcely made himself master of the central valley of Mexico before he sent his lieutenants in all directions to follow up reports and rumors of other rich provinces. In 1521 Olid subdued Michoacan, lying to the westward, and in the following year a shipyard was established at Zacatula, on the South Sea, as a base for maritime exploration. Other maritime bases were soon provided at Tehuantepec and Navi- dad, as well as farther south on the coast of Central America. Among the leading motives for coastwise exploration were rumors of rich districts such as the Amazon Island and the Seven Cities to the northward, and a belief in the existence, in the same direction, of a strait leading from the Atlantic to the Pacific.1 1 Interest in the Amazon Island is illustrated by Cortes's instructions given at Colima in 1524 to his relative, Francisco Cortes, whom he orders to continue exploration, "because I am informed that down the coast which borders the said villa there are many provinces thickly inhabited by people and containing, it is believed, great riches, and that in these parts of it there is one which is inhabited by women, with no men, who procreate in the way which the ancient histories ascribe to the Amazons, and because by learning the truth regarding this and whatever else there is on said coast, God our Lord and their Majesties will be greatly served" (Pacheco and Cardenas, Documcntos Ineditos, XXVI. 153). 3 4 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION Interest in the strait is illustrated by a letter of Cortes to the Emperor, written in October, 1524. It states, "I saw that nothing more remained for me to do but to learn the secret of the coast which is yet to be explored between the Rio Panuco and Florida . . . and thence the coast of the said Florida northward to Bacallaos [Newfoundland] ; for it is deemed certain that on that coast there is a strait which passes to the South Sea; and if it should be found, according to a certain map which I have of the region of the archipelago dis- covered by Magellan by order of your Highness, it seems that it would come out very near there; and if it should please God that the said strait be found there, the voyage from the spice region to your kingdom would be very easy and very short, so much so that it would be less by two-thirds than by the route now followed, and that without any risk to the vessels coming and going, because they would always come and go through your dominions, so that in case of necessity they could be repaired without danger wherever they might wish to enter port."1 Misfortunes caused delay in the enterprise of exploration on the South Sea, but in 1527 Saavedra was sent up the coast and reached Santiago. In 1531 conquests by land were ex- tended to Culiacan by Guzman, who was led north by rumors of the Amazon Island and of the Seven Cities. After several years of interruption, Cortes again pushed north by water. Hurtado de Mendoza, sent by the conqueror in 1532, reached Rio Fuerte. In the following year Jimenez discovered the Peninsula of California. In 1535 Cortes himself led a colony to Puerto de la Paz, but within a few months the enterprise was abandoned. Renewed interest in northward exploration was aroused by the reports given by Cabeza de Vaca, who reached Culia- can in 1536, after six years of wandering across the continent. 1 Quoted in Bancroft, North Mexican States, I. 5, foot-note. INTRODUCTION 5 In 1539 Friar Marcos, sent by Mendoza by land, reached what he called the Seven Cities of Cibola (Zuni). His reports caused new enthusiasm, and Mendoza, Cortes, and Pedro de Alvarado all prepared to win honors in further exploration. Cortes in 1539 sent Ulloa northward with three vessels. He ascended to the head of the Gulf, sailed round the extremity of the Peninsula, and reached Cabo del Engano, in latitude 29° 56'. This voyage made known the peninsular character of California. Mendoza in 1540 sent out the Coronado expedition, in the course of which Alarcon explored the lower Colorado River, Cardenas discovered the Grand Canyon, and Coronado marched northeastward as far as central Kansas. Alvarado prepared a fleet and formed a partnership with Mendoza for northern discovery, but was killed in 1541 in the Mixton War. His death left the fleet in the hands of Mendoza, who in 1542 sent a part of it across the Pacific to the Philippines under Villalobos, and the rest up the California coast under Cabrillo, in the hope of finding the northern strait, and thereby a new route to Europe. It is the diary of the last-mentioned expedi- tion which is given hereinafter. Of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, commander of the expedition, little is known except that he was a Portuguese by birth and a skilled mariner.1 There are indications that he had been with Cortes in the conquest of Mexico, and later with Alva- rado.2 For the expedition the San Salvador, flagship, and the Victoria, a fragata or frigate, were equipped. As chief pilot went Bartolome Ferrelo (Ferrer, Ferrel) ; as pilot Bartolome Fernandez ; and as masters, Antonio Carrera and S. Remo. Concerning Ferrelo, who became commander after the death of Cabrillo, little is known except that he was a native of the Levant. Of the outfit Davidson writes: "The vessels were 1 "Persona muy platica en las cosas de la Mar" (Herrera, Historia General, dec. VII., lib. V., cap. III., p. 89). 2 Bancroft, North Mexican States, I. 133 ; Lowery, Spanish Settlements, I. 340. 6 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION smaller than any of our coasting schooners. They were poorly built and very badly outfitted. Their anchors and ironwork were carried by men from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific ; they were manned by conscripts and natives ; were badly pro- visioned, and the crews subject to that deadly scourge of the sea, scurvy."1 The start was made on June 27, 1542, from Puerto de Navidad, a port twenty miles above Manzanillo, in latitude 19° 13'. The vessels returned to the same point on April 14, 1543, nine and one-half months later, having explored the entire Pacific coast to latitude 42^°, all that part of the voyage above Cabo del Engano being in unknown waters. On July 3 Cabrillo reached the southern extremity of the Peninsula, and on the 19th Magdalena Bay, called in the diary Puerto de San Pedro. On August 5 he anchored at Cerros Island, near the northern limits of Ulloa's exploration. On August 21 he discovered Port San Quentin. Going ashore next day, he took formal possession of the country in the name of the king and viceroy, in honor of which ceremony the harbor was named Puerto de la Posesion. The Indians here made signs which were understood to mean that they had seen Spaniards before — men with beards, dogs, and Spanish weapons — and that they were now five days inland. To communicate with these men, if perchance the report were true, Cabrillo left a letter to be delivered by the Indians. In all probability the report was genuine, and referred to Coronado's party, which was now in the interior. On September 28 Cabrillo discovered "a port enclosed and very good, to which they gave the name of San Miguel." It was the beautiful San Diego Bay. Here again they were told by the natives of Spaniards in the interior. While at this 1 Geographical Society of the Pacific, Transactions and Proceedings, second ser., IV. (1907) 13. INTRODUCTION 7 place a storm arose, the first they had encountered, but the harbor was so good that no damage was done. Continuing up the coast, they discovered and named Santa Catalina and San Clemente Islands, which they called San Salvador and La Victoria, in honor of the vessels. Santa Monica Bay they called Bahia de los Fumos. Reaching San Buenaventura (Pueblo de las Canoas) on October 10, Cabrillo again went ashore and took formal possession of the country. Here once more they heard of white men in the interior, and at a venture despatched to them a letter. Leaving San Buenaventura on the 13th, they sailed west through the Santa Barbara channel, anchoring at Rincon, at the Carpinteria, above Point Goleta, at Canada del Refugio, and at Gaviota Pass, and on October 18 reached Point Concepcion, at the western extremity of the channel. As they passed they noted Santa Cruz and Santa Rosa Islands to their left, but, supposing them to be only one, named them La Isla de San Lucas. At Point Concepcion their real difficulties began. Encoun- tering a strong northwest wind, they stood off from the shore and distinguished San Miguel and Santa Rosa Islands, to which they now gave the plural name of Las Islas de San Lucas. Making port at Cuyler's Harbor on San Miguel Island, they took formal possession, calling it Isla de la Posesion. While here Cabrillo suffered a fall and a broken arm. Rounding Point Concepcion in an attempt to continue north, they en- countered another storm and returned to the Indian town of Cicacut, or Pueblo de las Sardinas, at Gaviota Pass. Weighing anchor again on November 6, they succeeded in rounding Point Concepcion, and sailed up the coast in sight of Santa Lucia Mountain. Standing out to sea in a heavy southwester shortly before reaching Point Pinos, which they sighted, they did not make land again till November 14, hav- ing passed and missed the Bay of Monterey, Point Aiio Nuevo, 8 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION Half Moon Bay, the Golden Gate, and Drake's Bay. On the way up the vessels became separated in the storm. Fair weather returning, the flagship stood in toward the coast in search of her consort, and on November 14 sighted land near Northwest Cape (Cabo de Pinos), in latitude 38° 31', near Fort Ross. Next day the two vessels were reunited. Turning south, driven now by a storm from the opposite direction, on November 16 they discovered Drake's Bay, in latitude 38°, calling it Bahia de los Pinos. Running rapidly southward, again missing the Golden Gate, but noting on the way the Gulf of the Farallones, the Santa Cruz Mountains (Las Sierras Nevadas) and Black Mountain (Cabo de Nieve), on the night of the 18th they were opposite Point Pinos. On the 23d they put in again at Cuyler's Harbor (Puerto de la Posesion) on San Miguel Island. Since they had found no shelter after leaving Northwest Cape, above Point Pinos, and had missed Monterey Bay, it is inferred that they could not have run very near the coast on the return voyage. On San Miguel Island, which the natives called Ciqui- muymu, Cabrillo's party spent the winter from November 23 to January 19, two months of almost continuous storms. On January 3 Cabrillo died, as a result of his fall while on the same island before. In his honor the place was named Isla de Juan Rodriguez. The command now fell to Ferrelo, who made another at- tempt at northward exploration. Weighing anchor on Jan- uary 19, 1543, to go to the mainland for supplies, he was driven by a storm among the islands for eight days, after which he returned to the port on San Miguel Island. On January 29, before heading north, Ferrelo went to Santa Rosa Island to recover some anchors which he had left at that place in the storm. Remaining there till February 12, on that day he went to Cicacut (Gaviota Pass), whence he returned to Santa Cruz Island for greater security. Start- INTRODUCTION 9 ing out again on Sunday the 18th, he sailed southwest, stand- ing out to sea five days. At the end of that time, and after running about one hundred leagues, he stood in again, in an endeavor to reach Northwest Cape (Cabo de Pinos), the north- western limit of Cabrillo's voyage. On the morning of the 25th, after having been driven in a storm for three days, he saw the object of his search. Toward night Punta de Arena was sighted, in latitude 38° 57'. Run- ning before the wind all night, next morning he was opposite King's Peak (Cabo de Fortunas), in latitude 40°. He continued before the wind during the 27th, but at night it veered toward the west and he ran south in a high sea, with lowered sail. At daybreak of the 28th the wind shifted to the southwest again, and Ferrelo once more ran north. That day he observed latitude 43°, which Davidson corrects to 41 J^°. Scudding again before the storm that night, next day, March 1, he reached his farthest north. Ferrelo gives the latitude 44°, which Davidson corrects to 42^°, placing the limit of the voyage about at Rogue River, Oregon.1 In the afternoon of the 28th a heavy rain-storm from the north occurred and the return voyage began. On March 3 they passed Point Arena and Northwest Cape. On the night of the 4th the vessels separated, and were not reunited till they reached Cerros Island, three weeks later. On the 5th the flagship was off San Miguel Island, but could not put into port because of a storm; accordingly it sought shelter on Santa Cruz Island. From here it crossed over on the 8th to San Buenaventura, in search of the con- sort, but returned on the 9th. On the 11th it reached San Diego Bay, where it waited six days for the other vessel. Setting sail on the 17th, it reached Todos Santos Bay on the 1 Davidson thinks they did not see land above Punta de Arena (Geographical Society of the Pacific, Transactions and Proceedings, second ser., IV. 16). In this he is borne out by the diary. 10 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION 18th, Puerto de San Quentin on the 19th, and Cerros Island on the 24th. Here, on the 26th, it was joined by the fragata. The latter vessel had passed by San Miguel Island in the storm on the night of the 4th or the 5th, and had taken shelter at Santa Rosa Island. Leaving Cerros Island together on April 2, on April 14 the two vessels put into Puerto de Navidad, whence they had set out in the previous June. Regarding Cabrillo's voyage as a feat of navigation under difficulties, the following quotation from Navarrete is apt : Those who know the coast which Cabrillo discovered and ex- plored, the kind of vessels in which he undertook the expedition, the rigorous season during which he pursued his voyage in those intem- perate climes, and the state of the science of navigation at that period, cannot help admiring a courage and intrepidity which, though common among sea-faring Spaniards of that time, cannot be appre- ciated in our day, when the navigator is fairly dazzled by the assis- tance furnished him through the wonderful progress of the arts and sciences, rendering his operations easier and supplying him with advantages which, as they were lacking to the early discoverers, make their courage and perseverance as portentous as their discov- eries. Perhaps it is failure to realize these considerations, added to ignorance of our history, which has led some foreign writers to be- little the merit of Cabrillo. The source of most of what is known of the Cabrillo expe- dition is the diary hereinafter published, although Herrera and Navarrete give a few slight additions from other sources.1 The authorship of the diary is not known with certainty. It has been attributed to Ferrelo and also to Juan Paez,2 with whom the weight of the evidence seems to be. 1 Antonio Herrera, Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, decada setima (Madrid, 1728), lib. V., caps. III., IV., pp. 89-91 ; Martin Fernandez Navarrete, Relation del Viage hecho por las Goletas Sutil y Mexicana (Madrid, 1802), Introduccion, pp. xxix.-xxxv. It is clear from Herrera's language in places that he used the Paez diary. 2 Lowery, I. 340, note ; Bancroft, History of California, I. 69, note ; Henshaw in Wheeler, Re-port upon United States Geographical Surveys, vol. VII., p. 294. INTRODUCTION 11 The diary was published in Spanish in 1857 by Bucking- ham Smith in his Coleccidn de Varios Documentos para la His- toria de la Florida y Tierras Adyacentes (London), pp. 173-189, from an unsigned contemporary manuscript in the Archivo General de Indias at Seville, among the papers transferred from Simancas, legajo 9 of Descripciones y Poblaciones. An- other Spanish version was printed in 1870 by Pacheco and Cdrdenas in their Coleccidn de Documentos Ineditos (Madrid), XIV. 165-191. This text is from an unsigned manuscript in the Archivo General de Indias, Patronato, est. 1, caj. 1. In the title given it by the editors the authorship is ascribed to Paez. This text and that of Buckingham Smith seem to be from the same original, though there are numerous unimportant differ- ences of spelling, accentuation, and capitalization, the text in Pacheco and Cardenas being modernized in these respects. Another manuscript copy is in the Munoz Collection. It bears an annotation ascribing the narrative to Paez. The differences between it and the Buckingham Smith copy are noted by Navarrete on the copy which Smith used.1 An English translation by Richard Stuart Evans, made from the Buckingham Smith text, was published in Wheeler, Report upon United States Geographical Surveys West of the One Hundredth Meridian (Washington, 1879), VII. 293-314. The title there given is "Translation from the Spanish of the Account by the Pilot Ferrel of the Voyage of Cabrillo along the West Coast of North America in 1542. With Introductory Notes by H. W. Henshaw." Another translation, based on Evans's, but with some differences "in critical passages where important issues were involved, " was published in 1886 by Professor George Davidson in his study entitled "An Exami- nation of some of the Early Voyages of Discovery and Ex- ploration on the Northwest Coast of America, from 1539 to 1603/' printed in the Report of the Superintendent of the U. S. 1 Col. Doc. Florida, p. 189. 12 CALIFORNIA: GABRILLO EXPEDITION Coast and Geodetic Survey for 1886 (Washington), pp. 160-241. Numerous inaccuracies and defects in form in the foregoing versions made it seem best to prepare a new translation for this work, which has been done, but with due acknowledgment of indebtedness to my predecessors. The most important contribution toward the identifica- tion of places named or noted by the diary is that by Professor Davidson cited above. Davidson had rare opportunities for this work, and he made excellent use of them. In my identi- fications and assignments of latitudes I have followed him throughout unless otherwise stated, and I hereby acknowledge my obligation to this great scholar. Davidson made a map identifying the places named by Cabrillo and Vizcaino with modern names. To the student of exploration the diary is of the first im- portance. On the whole the record is very good. This is evidenced by the fact that Davidson was able to identify with practical certainty some seventy of the points mentioned by the diary along the coast. Paez's distances are only ap- proximate, and in general his latitudes are too high, those on the coast of Upper California requiring correction from half a degree to a degree and a half. To the student of ethnology the diary is of great interest as the record of the first contact of white men with the Indians of California above latitude 30°. The translation is based on the Buckingham Smith text, in Col. Doc. Florida, pp. 173-189. An awkward feature of the diary, which could not be avoided in the translation without taking too great liberties, is the indiscriminate and sometimes confusing use of the first and the third person. Likewise, tenses are often confused. RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF JUAN RODRIGUEZ CABRILLO, 1542-1543 Relation or Diary of the Voyage made by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo with two Ships, for the Discovery of the Passage from the South Sea at the North, from the twenty-seventh of June, 1542, when he left the Port of Navidad, to the fourteenth of April of the following Year, when he returned to it, having gone as far as the Latitude of Forty-four Degrees ; with the Descrip- tion of the Coast, Ports, Bays, and Islands which he Ex- amined, and their Distances, on the Whole Extent of that Coast. Juan Rodriguez set sail from the port of Navidad1 to explore the coast of New Spain on the 27th of June, 1542. Between the port of Navidad and Cape Corriente,2 forty leagues, it took him a day and a night, with a southeast wind. From Wednesday until the following Thursday they held their course along the coast thirty-five leagues. Sunday, July 2, they sighted California. On account of the weather, which was not very favorable, it took them almost four days to cross over. On the following Monday, the 3d of the same month, they anchored at the Point of California.3 Here they remained two days, and from here they went to the port of San Lucas4 on the following Thursday and took on water. During these days they did not see a single Indian. 1 Navidad is a port on the coast of Mexico in lat. 19° 13', and twenty miles west-northwest from the harbor of Manzanillo. "This is the port in which were built the ships which discovered the Philippine Islands and with which, as I have said, Cape Mendocino had been discovered. It was to this port that the ships from China used to come before that of Acapulco was discovered" (Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, I. 696). 2 Cape Corrientes, lat. 20° 25'. Reached on June 28 (Herrera, Historia General, dec. VII., lib. V., cap. III.). 8 Probably Cape Pulmo, lat. 23° 23'. 4 San Lucas Bay, lat. 22° 52'. Herrera states that on July 2 they were in lat. 24° and examined the Puerto del Marques del Valle, which they call "de la Cruz" (Historia General, dec. VII., lib. V., cap. III.). 13 14 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1542 They say that this port is in twenty-three degrees. From the point to the port the coast is clear and soundable ; the land is bare and rough. They left the port of San Lucas on Thursday, at night, and on the following Saturday, the 8th of the same month, they anchored under Trinidad Point,1 which is in twenty-five degrees. It must be about five leagues from San Lucas. The coast is clear,' without any irregularity. Inland are seen high, bald, and rugged mountains. They remained at anchor here until the following Wednesday, on account of contrary winds from the west-northwest. On Wednesday, the 12th of the said month, they left there. At the port of Trinidad2 a harbor is formed by an island3 which is there ; and it is a good port, sheltered from the west- northwest winds. The port of the island is at its head, on the southeast side. It is a clear and soundable port, but it con- tains neither water nor wood. The island must be ten leagues long and two leagues wide. They cast anchor that night. They set sail on the following Thursday, and passed the port of San Pedro,4 which is in twenty-five and one-half degrees. In this port there is neither water nor wood. Its passage is southeastward. It affords good shelter from west winds. They went sailing along the coast, which forms a large bay,5 the head of which is in twenty-six degrees. The land is low, with sand dunes, the coast white and clear. They went sailing along it with favorable winds up to twenty-seven degrees, and on Wednesday, the 19th, they landed at a port which they found. Having gone ashore, they found a road used by the Indians and followed it the distance of an arquebus shot, when they found a spring. The interior of the country is level, bare, and very dry. They named it the port of Madalena.6 1 Cape Tosco, lat. 24° 17', and 130 miles from Cape San Lucas. "There must be some omission in Ferrelo's narrative wherein he gives the distance of five leagues from Cape San Lucas to Cape Tosco. The actual distance is 43 leagues along the coast" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 162). 2 Santa Marina Bay, lat. 24° 20'. 3 Santa Margarita Island, lat. 24° 17'. 4 Magdalena Bay, lat. 24° 32'. 5 Ensenada. Evans generally renders this word as "creek." Davidson changes the translation here to "gulf." 6 Pequena Bay and Point, lat. 26° 14', thirty leagues from Santa Maria Bay. 1542] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 15 From the Bay of San Martin1 to this port it must be about forty leagues. On the following Thursday, the 20th of the same month, they left this port and sailed along the coast with contrary winds, and about six leagues from it they found anchorage behind a point which they call Santa Catalina Point.2 And thus they continued sailing along the coast ; and on the fol- lowing Tuesday, the 25th of the said month of July, they dis- covered a large bay in twenty-seven and one-half degrees. They made very little headway these days on account of the contrary winds. They anchored in this port and named it the port of Santiago.3 It must be about twenty-three leagues from the port of Madalena. Five leagues from the port of Santiago there are some very dangerous, rocky shoals, which are invisible except when the sea breaks over them. They are a league from the shore, and are in a little over twenty-seven and one-half degrees. They are called Habre Ojo.4 They continued sailing along the coast by the same course up to twenty-eight degrees, where they cast anchor in the shelter of a headland. Here there are groves of trees, the first which they had seen since leaving the Point of California. From this headland to the port of Santiago, at its northwestern point, it must be about twenty-three leagues. There are high, rugged mountains with some timber. We named the point Santa Ana.5 About a league from shore there is a small island.6 1 Santa Maria Bay, lat. 24° 44', four leagues northwestward from the en- trance to Magdalena Bay. The diary mentions Puerto de la Madalena and Bahia de San Martin in the reverse order of that in which Cabrillo reached them. 2 San Domingo Point and anchorage, lat. 26° 19', thirteen miles west- northwest from Pequefia Bay. 3 Ballenas Bay, lat. 26° 45', under Abreojos Point, seventy-six miles from Pequefia Bay and fifty-four from San Domingo Point. 4 Abreojos Rocks, lat. 26° 46', three miles west-southwest from Abreojos Point. Navarrete identifies Santiago with Abreojos, but it is seen that the diary distinguishes between them (Navarrete, Sutil y MexicaTia, Introduccion, p. xxix.). "Abre ojos" means "open the eyes," or "look out!" 5 Asuncion Point and anchorage, lat. 27° 7', forty-seven miles in a straight line from Abreojos Point. Navarrete places Puerto de Santa Ana far out of its order in the journey (Sutil y Mexicana, Introduccion, p. xxix.). 6 Island of San Roque, lat. 27° 9'. Discovered by Ulloa but not then named. It is only a mile long and half a mile wide. 16 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1542 On Thursday, the 27th of the same month, they left the said port of Santa Ana and went to anchor about six leagues from there in a port which they named Puerto Fondo1 (Deep Port), because of its great depth, for near the shore it was thirty fathoms ; it is clear. Next day they left this port, but three times returned to take shelter in it from contrary winds, and remained in it until the following Monday. On Monday, the 31st of the said month, they left the said Puerto Fondo and anchored that night about eight leagues2 from there ; next day they continued their voyage. Tuesday, the 1st day of August, they departed from there and went about ten leagues, when they cast anchor in a port which they named San Pedro Vincula.3 This port is in sight of Zedros Island. It is in a little over twenty-eight and one- half degrees. The land is high, rough, and bare. From Cali- fornia to this point we have not seen a single Indian. On Wednesday, the 2d of the month, they left this port ; the wind was contrary and they proceeded, beating; they went to cast anchor at an island which is southeast of Zedros Island and four leagues from it. This island, which they called San Esteban,4 is west of the extremity of the point of the mainland, and its coast runs from northwest to southeast. It is a league from the mainland. From this point the coast of the mainland turns east-northeast and forms a bay so large that the land is not visible. Between the island and the mainland there is a good channel, but they have to pass close to the island because there is a reef underneath which extends a fourth of a league from the point. There is much vegetation on the water which grows on the bottom and is fastened below. This island is northwest of San Pedro Vincula. It must be about three leagues in circumference. We remained at this island, with contrary winds, until the following Saturday, the 5th of the said month of August. It has a good port on the 1 Table-Head Cove, or San Pablo Bay, lat. 27° 11', about ten miles from Asuncion Point. 2 Bay of San Christoval, eight miles east of Morro Hermoso. 3 Port San Bartolome, lat. 27° 39', eleven and one-half leagues from Table- Head Cove. 4 Natividad Island, lat. 27° 53', discovered by Ulloa but not named. Its southern part is three leagues from Cerros Island (Davidson, Early Voyages, pp. 173-174). 1542] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 17 southeast side. There is good fishing with a hook, and there are many birds. They left the island of San Estevan on Saturday, the 5th of August, and went to anchor at the island of Zedros,1 where they remained until Thursday, the 10th of the said month, taking on water and wood. They found no Indians, although they found signs of them. The leeward point of this island, on the south side, is in twenty-nine degrees, and it has on this south side good ports, water, and wood. On this side it is bare, for it has only some small shrubs. The island is large, high, and bare, and trends almost from east to west ; on the south side it must be about twelve leagues long. They left the island of Zedros on Thursday, the 10th of the said month of August, to continue their voyage, and followed the curve of the mainland, sailing north. They went this day about ten leagues, and on the Friday following they went to anchor at a harbor which they called the port of Santa Clara.2 It is a good port. They went ashore and found four Indians, who fled. This port is in thirty degrees, scant. It is northeast of the island of Zedros, and from the port toward the bay this coast runs from north-northwest to south-south- east. The coast is clear and soundable ; the land is bare, and is not rough ; it has plains and valleys. They remained in this port till Sunday, the 13th of the said month, on account of the foul winds. On Sunday, the 13th of said month, they left this port and sailed along the coast with light winds, casting anchor every night ; and on the following Tuesday they anchored under a point which forms a bay which is in thirty and one-half degrees. It affords little shelter. They called it Punta del Mai Abrigo3 (Point of Poor Shelter). 1 Cerros Island, lat. 28° 2' at its southernmost point. It was discovered by Ulloa and named by him La Isla de los Cedros, but the name became changed to Cerros, because it has numerous high peaks (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 174). 2 La Playa Maria Bay, lat. 28° 55', about seventeen leagues northeast of the north end of Cerros Island. 3 Probably Point Canoas, lat. 29° 25', or, possibly, Bluff Point, lat. 29° 34'. "Working back from San Geronimo Island, one of these points must be that which Cabrillo intended to designate as Mai Abrijo" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 178). Navarrete identifies Punta del Mai Abrigo with Point Canoas (Sutil y Mexieana, Introduction, p. xxix.). 18 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1542 On the following Wednesday they sailed along the coast, against a strong northwest headwind, and remained in shelter that night without making any headway. The following Thursday they continued amid heavy rains, headwinds, and calms, so that they did not make land. The following night they encountered a heavy west-northwest wind and sought shelter. The following Friday they sailed with favorable winds and found themselves six leagues to the windward of the Point of Mai Abrigo. Thus they continued until the following Saturday, the 19th of the said month, when they cast anchor at a small island which is half a league from the mainland. It must be about ten leagues from the Point of Mai Abrigo. It is in thirty and one-half degrees. It has a good anchorage and good shelter. They called it San Bernardo.1 It must be about a league long from north to south. The coast of the mainland runs from north-northwest to south-southeast. It is a clear coast. The interior of the country looks very good and level ; there are good valleys and some timber, the rest being bare. During these days they saw no sign of Indians. On Sunday, the 20th of said month of August, they left the island of San Bernardo and approached Point Engano,2 which must be about seven leagues from this island, and is in thirty-one degrees. From the point toward the island the coast runs from north-northwest to south-southeast. At Point Engano the land is not high, and it appears to be good and level; the mountains are bare. We saw no sign of In- dians. And thus they sailed along until the next Monday, following the coast to the north and northeast ; and about ten leagues from Point Engano they discovered a good port, in which they cast anchor and took on water and wood. It is in thirty-one and one-half degrees. It is a port suitable for making any kind of repairs on ships, placing them in a se- cure spot.3 On the following Tuesday Captain Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo 1 San Geronimo Island, lat. 29° 48', eight leagues from Bluff Point and thirteen from Point Canoas. 2 Punta Baja, lat. 29° 56', eight and one-half miles northwest of San Geron- imo Island. Herrera calls it Cabo del Engano (Historia General, dec. VII., lib. V., cap. III.). 3 Poniendoles a monte. 1542] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 19 went ashore, took possession there in the name of his Majesty and of the most Illustrious Senor Don Antonio de Mendoza, and named it port of La Posesion1 (port of the Possession). He found a lake which has three large2 , and found some Indian fishermen, who forthwith fled. They captured one of them ; giving him a few presents they released him and he departed. The interior of the country consists of high and rugged land, but it has good valleys and appears to be good country, although bare. They remained in this place until Sunday, the 27th of said month, repairing the sails and taking on water. On Thursday they saw some smokes and, going to them with the boat, they found some thirty Indian fishermen, who remained where they were. They brought to the ship a boy and two women, gave them clothing and presents, and let them go. From them they could understand nothing by signs. On the Friday following, on going to get water, they found in the watering place some Indians who remained quiet and showed them a pool of water, and a saline which contained a large quantity of salt. They said by signs that they did not live there, but inland, and that there were many people. This same day, in the afternoon, five Indians came to the beach ; they brought them to the ships and they appeared to be in- telligent Indians. Entering the ship they pointed at and counted the Spaniards who were there, and said by signs that they had seen other men like them, who wore beards, and who brought dogs, and crossbows, and swords. The Indians came smeared over with a white paste on the thighs, body, and arms, and wore the paste like slashes, so that they appeared like men in hose and slashed doublets. They made signs that Spaniards were five days from there. They made signs that there were many Indians, and that they had much maize and many par- rots. They came covered with deerskins ; some wore the deer- skins dressed in the way the Mexicans dress the skins which they use for their cutaras.3 They are a large and well- 1 Port of San Quentin, lat. 30° 24', twenty-seven miles northwest of Punta Baja, and five or six miles southwest of the village of San Quentin. 2 Blank in the original. 3 Cotaras,. an Americanism meaning a kind of Indian footwear ; also applied to Indians' clothing in general. Rendered "cutters" by Evans. 20 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1542 featured people. They carry their bows and arrows like those of New Spain, the arrows being tipped with flints. The cap- tain gave them a letter to carry to the Spaniards who they said were in the interior. They left the port of La Posesion on Sunday, the 27th of the said month of August, and, continuing their course, they discovered an island two leagues from the mainland. It is uninhabited ; there is a good port in it ; they named it San Agustin; it must be about two leagues in circumference. They continued thus along the coast with light winds, holding to windward, until the following Wednesday, the 30th of the said month, when they encountered a heavy northwest wind which forced them to seek shelter at the island of San Agustin.1 On this island they found signs of people, and two cows' horns, and very large trees which the sea had cast there ; they were more than sixty feet long and so thick that two men could not reach around one of them. They looked like cypresses ; and there were cedars. There was a great quantity of this timber, but this island contains nothing else except a good port. They remained at this island until the following Sunday. On Sunday, the 3d of the month of September, they left said Island of San Agustin and continued sailing on their course ; and on the following Monday they cast anchor at the shore,2 about seven leagues to the windward, on a coast run- ning north and south. At once they continued their course, sailing with favorable though light winds on a coast nmning north and south, until Thursday, the 7th of said month of September, when they went to cast anchor in a bay which the land forms. Here the coast ceases to run north and south and turns to the northwest. At this bay there is a large valley ; the land is level at the coast, and inland there are high moun- tains, and rough land which appears to be good. All the coast is bold, with a smooth and shallow bottom, for at half a league they were at anchor in ten fathoms. About here there is much vegetation on the water. On the following Friday, the 8th of said month, they sailed with light winds, working to windward, and encountering ad- 1 San Martin Island, lat. 30° 29'. *San Ramon or Virgin's Bay, lat. 30° 49'. Eight or ten miles inland is the old mission of San Vicente (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 188). 1542] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 21 verse currents. They went to anchor under a headland which forms a cape and affords good shelter from the west-northwest. They named it Cape San Martin.1 It forms a spur of land on both sides; here end some high mountains which come from behind; and here begin other small mountains. There is one large valley, and many others; apparently the land is good. The port is in thirty-two and one-half degrees. It is a clear port and soundable. Its direction from the island of San Agustin is north. While at this Cape of San Martin they went ashore for water and found a small lake of fresh water, where they got a supply. To this watering place came forty Indians with bows and arrows. They could not make each other under- stood. The Indians were naked; they brought roasted maguey2 and fish to eat. They are large people. Here they took possession. They were at this cape until the following Monday. On Monday, the 8th of said month,3 they left Cape San Martin and sailed some four leagues on a coast running north- northeast-south-southwest, and from there the coast turns northwest. The land is high and bare. Next day they sailed along a coast running from northwest to southeast a matter of six leagues. All this coast is bold and clear. The next day they sailed, with foul winds, a matter of four leagues, still on a coast running from northwest to southeast. On the land there are high broken mountains. On the following Thursday they cast anchor about three leagues farther on, under a head- land which extends into the sea and forms a cape on both sides. It is called Cabo de Cruz4 (Cape of the Cross) ; it is in thirty- three degrees. There is neither water nor wood, nor did they find a sign of Indians. Having departed from Cabo de la Cruz, because of head- winds they found themselves on the following Saturday two leagues from the same cape on a coast running from north- northwest to south-southeast. At the shore they saw Indians 1 Point Santo Tomas, or Cape San Tomas, lat. 31° 33'. Navarrete identi- fies this with Cape San Quentin (Sutil y Mexicana, Introduccion, p. xxx.). 2 See Espejo documents, p. 170, above, note 5. 3 The eleventh, of course. 4 Grajero Point, or Banda Point, lat. 31° 45'. The date of anchoring, ac- cording to Herrera, was the 14th {Historia General, dec. VII., lib. V., cap. III.). 22 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1542 in some very small canoes. The land is very high, bare, and dry. All the land from California to here is sandy near the shore, but here begins land of another sort, the soil being red- dish1 and of better appearance. On Sunday, the 17th day of the said month, they sailed on in continuation of their voyage, and about six leagues from Cabo de Cruz they found a good and closed port. To reach it they passed a small island2 which is near the mainland. In this port they took on water from a small lake of rain- water. There are groves of trees like silk-cotton trees, ex- cepting that they are of hard wood. They found thick and tall trees which the sea brings. This port is called San Mateo.3 The land appears to be good ; there are large savannahs,4 and the grass is like that of Spain. The land is high and broken. They saw some herds of animals like cattle, which went in droves of a hundred or more, and which, from their appearance, from their gait, and the long wool, looked like Peruvian sheep. They have small horns a span in length and as thick as the thumb. The tail is broad and round and a palm long.5 This place is in thirty-three and one-third degrees. They took possession here. They remained in this port until the follow- ing Saturday. On Saturday, the 23d of said month, they left said port of San Mateo and sailed along the coast until the Monday fol- lowing, when they must have gone about eighteen leagues. They saw very beautiful valleys and groves, and country both level and rough, but no Indians were seen. On the following Tuesday and Wednesday they sailed along the coast about eight leagues, passing by some three islands 1 Cf. Evans's translation. 2 The Todos Santos Islands, lat. 31° 48'. 3 Perhaps the ensenada in Todos Santos Bay, lat. 31° 51' (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 190). Navarrete also maintains this opinion (Sutil y Mexicana, Introduccion, p. xxx.). 4 Cf. Evans's translation. 5 Henshaw remarks : "The animal here described seems to have been the product of about equal parts of fact and imagination. Without the wool the account would apply tolerably well to the antelope (Antilocapra americana), which it probably was. The only animal with a woolly fleece indigenous to this region is the mountain goat (Haplocerus montanus), but this animal inhabits only the highest mountains, and hence could not have fallen under the observa- tion of the Spaniards" (Voyage of Cabrillo, in Wheeler's Report, vol. II., Archae- ology, p. 304). 1542] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 23 completely denuded of soil.1 One of them is larger than the others. It is about two leagues in circumference and affords shelter from the west winds. They are three leagues from the mainland, and are in thirty-four degrees. They called them Islas Desiertas2 (Desert Islands). This day great smokes were seen on the land. The country appears to be good and has large valleys, and in the interior there are high moun- tains. On the following Thursday they went about six leagues along a coast running north-northwest, and discovered a port, closed and very good, which they named San Miguel.3 It is in thirty-four and one-third degrees. Having cast anchor in it, they went ashore where there were people. Three of them waited, but all the rest fled. To these three they gave some presents and they said by signs that in the interior men like the Spaniards had passed. They gave signs of great fear. On the night of this day they went ashore from the ships to fish with a net, and it appears that here there were some In- dians, and that they began to shoot at them with arrows and wounded three men. Next day in the morning they went with the boat farther into the port, which is large, and brought two boys, who under- stood nothing by signs. They gave them both shirts and sent them away immediately. Next day in the morning three adult Indians came to the ships and said by signs that in the interior men like us were travelling about, bearded, clothed, and armed like those of the ships. They made signs that they carried crossbows and swords ; and they made gestures with the right arm as if they were throwing lances, and ran around as if they were on horse- back. They made signs that they were killing many native Indians, and that for this reason they were afraid. These people are comely and large. They go about covered with skins of animals. While they were in this port a heavy storm occurred, but since the port is good they did not feel it at all. 1 Cf. Evans's translation. 2 Los Coronados Islands, lat. 32° 25'. Henshaw thought that they were San Clemente and Catalina, but manifestly without good grounds (Voyage of Cabrillo, p. 305). 3 San Diego Bay. The extremity of Point Loma is near lat. 32° 40'. 24 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1542 It was a violent storm from the west-southwest and the south- southwest. This is the first storm which they have experi- enced. They remained in this port until the following Tues- day. The people here called the Christians Guacamal. On the following Tuesday, the 3d of the month of October, they departed from this port of San Miguel, and on Wednes- day, Thursday, and Friday, they held their course a matter of eighteen leagues along the coast, where they saw many valleys and plains, and many smokes, and mountains in the interior. At nightfall they were near some islands which are some seven leagues from the mainland, but because the wind went down they could not reach them that night. At daybreak on Saturday, the 7th of the month of October, they were at the islands which they named San Salvador1 and La Vitoria.2 They anchored at one of them and went ashore with the boat to see if there were people ; and when the boat came near, a great number of Indians emerged from the bushes and grass, shouting, dancing, and making signs that they should land. As they saw that the women were fleeing, from the boats they made signs that they should not be afraid. Immediately they were reassured, and laid their bows and ar- rows on the ground and launched in the water a good canoe which held eight or ten Indians, and came to the ships. They gave them beads and other articles, with which they were pleased, and then they returned. Afterward the Spaniards went ashore, and they, the Indian women, and all felt very secure. Here an old Indian made signs to them that men like the Spaniards, clothed and bearded, were going about on the mainland. They remained on this island only till midday. On the following Sunday, the 8th of said month, they drew near to the mainland in a large bay which they called Bay of Los Fumos,3 (Bay of the Smokes), because of the many smokes 1 Santa Catalina Island, lat. 33° 26^' at Isthmus Cove. It is eighteen miles long and twenty-three and one-half miles from Point Lasuen (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 194). Navarrete identifies San Salvador with the San Cle- mente, and La Victoria with the Santa Catalina. 2 San Clemente Island. The latitude of the southeast head is 32° 49'. This and the foregoing island were named after the ships. 3 Santa Monica Bay, named from Sierra Santa Monica. Latitude of Point Dume, on the north side, 34°. He landed near the point, where there were large villages of Indians to a very late date (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 196). 1542] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 25 which they saw on it.1 Here they held a colloquy with some Indians whom they captured in a canoe, and who made signs that toward the north there were Spaniards like them. This bay is in thirty-five degrees and is a good port, and the country is good, with many valleys, plains, and groves. On the following Monday, the 9th of the said month of October, they left the Bay of Los Fuegos (the Fires), and sailed this day some six leagues, anchoring in a large bay.2 From here they departed the next day, Tuesday, and sailed some eight leagues along a coast running from northwest to southeast. We saw on the land a pueblo of Indians close to the sea, the houses being large like those of New Spain. They anchored in front of a very large valley on the coast. Here there came to the ships many very good canoes, each of which held twelve or thirteen Indians ; they told them of Christians who were going about in the interior. The coast runs from northwest to southeast. Here they gave them some presents, with which they were greatly pleased. They indicated by signs that in seven days they could go to where the Spaniards were, and Juan Rodriguez decided to send two Spaniards into the interior. They also indicated that there was a great river. With these Indians they sent a letter at a venture to the Christians. They named this town the Pueblo of Las Canoas.3 The Indians dress in skins of animals ; they are fishermen and eat raw fish ; they were eating maguey also. This pueblo is in thirty-five and one-third degrees. The interior of the country is a very fine valley ; and they made signs that in that valley there was much maize and abundant food. Behind the valley appear some very high mountains and very broken country. They call the Christians Taquimine. Here they took possession and here they remained until Friday, the 13th day of said month. On Friday, the 13th of said month of October, they left the pueblo of Las Canoas to continue their voyage, and sailed 1 "Around it" (Davidson, ibid.). 2 The anchorage off Laguna Mugu, lat. 34° 5', fifteen miles west of Point Dume and nineteen miles by coast line from San Buenaventura. 3 "Pueblo of the Canoes," at San Buenaventura, in lat. 34° 17'. "The name Taquimine seems to be the original of the present Hueneme, and is locally referred to the name of a celebrated chief" (Davidson, p. 198). Navarrete lo- cates this town on San Juan Capistrano Bay (Sutil y Mexicana, Introducci6n, p. xxxi.). 26 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1542 this day six or seven leagues/ passing along the shores of two large islands. Each of them must be four leagues long, and they must be about four leagues from the mainland. They are uninhabited, because they have no water, but they have good ports. The coast of the mainland trends to the west- northwest. It is a country of many savannahs and groves. On the following Saturday they continued on their course, but made no more than two leagues, anchoring2 in front of a magnificent valley densely populated, with level land, and many groves. Here came canoes with fish to barter; the Indians were very friendly. On the following Sunday, the 15th day of the said month, they continued on their course along the coast for about ten leagues ; 3 all the way there were many canoes, for the whole coast is very densely populated ; and many Indians kept boarding the ships. They pointed out the pueblos and told us their names. They are Xuco, Bis, Sopono, Alloc, Xabaagua, Xocotoc, Potoltuc, Nacbuc, Quelqueme, Misinagua, Mise- sopano, Elquis, Coloc, Mugu, Xagua, Anacbuc, Partocac, Susuquey, Quanmu, Gua,4 Asimu, Aguin, Casalic, Tucumu, and Incpupu.5 All these pueblos are between the first pueblo of Las Canoas, which is called Xucu, and this point. They are in a very good country, with fine plains and many groves and savannahs. The Indians go dressed in skins. They said that in the in- terior there were many pueblos, and much maize three days' journey from there. They call maize Oep. They also said that there were many cows ;6 these they call Cae. They also told us of people bearded and clothed. 1 To the "Rincon," lat. 34° 22', four leagues west of San Buenaventura. 2 Anchorage off the Carpinteria, lat. 34° 24', about a mile west of Sand Point. 3 Anchorage four or five miles west of Point Goleta, eleven miles west of Santa Barbara lighthouse, in lat. 34° 25'. 4 A note in Buckingham Smith, p. 189, states that the last two names are united in the manuscript, thus : Quanmugua. 5 The Indians of this coast were of the Chumashan linguistic stock. The name is from that of the natives of Santa Rosa Island. For a discussion of civilization and divisions of the group, see H. W. Henshaw and A. L. Kroeber in Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, I. 296-297, and the authorities there cited. 6 Henshaw thinks the animal here referred to was the bison (Voyage of Ca- brillo, p. 307, note), but it was more probably the elk, plentiful in California in early days, which is not true of the bison. 1542] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 27 This day they passed along the shore of a large island 1 which must be fifteen leagues long. They said that it was very densely populated and that there were the following pueblos : Niquipos, Maxul, Xugua, Nitel, Macamo, and Nimitapal. They called this island San Lucas. From here to the pueblo of Las Canoas it must be about eighteen leagues. The island must be about six leagues from the mainland. On Monday , the 16th of the said month, sailing along the coast, they made about four leagues, and cast anchor2 in the afternoon in front of two pueblos. All this day, likewise, many canoes came with the ships and made signs that farther on there were canoes much larger. On the following Tuesday, the 17th of the said month, they made three leagues,3 with favorable winds. Many canoes went with the ships from daybreak, and the captain kept giving them many presents. All this coast which they have passed is very thickly settled. The Indians brought for them many sardines, fresh and very good. They say that in the interior there are many pueblos and abundant food. They ate no maize. They were dressed in skins, and wore their hair very long and tied up with long strings interwoven with the hair, there being attached to the strings many gewgaws4 of flint, bone, and wood. The country appears to be very fine. On Wednesday, the 18th of the said month, they proceeded along the coast until ten o'clock, seeing that all the coast was populated; and because there was a fresh wind and canoes did not come to them, they drew near to a headland which forms a cape like a galley, and named it Cape Galera.5 It is in thirty-six degrees, full. And because a strong northwest wind struck them they stood off shore and discovered two islands, one large, probably about eight leagues long from east to west, the other about four leagues. They are inhabited, and 1 The three islands, Santa Cruz, Santa Rosa, and San Miguel. They over- lap each other and were thought to be one. They afterward discovered that they were separate. See entries for January, 1543. 2 Anchorage off the Canada del Refugio, 34° 27', twenty-one miles from the Santa Barbara lighthouse. 3 To the anchorage off Gaviota Pass, twelve miles east of Point Concepci6n, lat. 34° 28'.. * Dagos. * Point Concepcion, lat. 34° 27'. 28 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1542 in this small one there is a good port. They are ten leagues from the mainland. They are called the Islands of San Lucas.1 From the mainland to Cape Galera the coast runs west-north- west. The district from the pueblo of Las Canoas to Cape Galera is a densely populated province and is called Xexu. Many languages distinct from each other are spoken in it. They have bitter wars with one another. From the pueblo of Las Canoas to Cape Galera it is thirty leagues. They re- mained in these islands until the following Wednesday because it was very stormy.2 On Wednesday, the 25th of said month, they left these islands, setting out from the one which was most to windward. It has a very good port, which within gives shelter from all storms of the sea. They called it La Posesion.3 This day they made little headway because there was no wind. The follow- ing midnight they were struck by a wind from the south-south- west and west-southwest, with rain, which put them in peril, because it was an on-shore wind and they were near land, and they were unable to double the cape on one tack or the other. At vespers the following Thursday the wind drove them off- shore, to the south, whereupon they continued on their course some ten leagues on4 a coast running from north-northwest to south-southeast. All this coast is inhabited and the coun- try appears to be good. That night they held out to sea be- cause the wind was on-shore, and on Friday, Saturday, and Sunday they sailed with contrary winds, beating about from one side to the other, without being able to make headway. They were in thirty-six and one-half degrees, and ten leagues from Cape Galera. They continued also on Monday, and on 1 San Miguel, and then Santa Cruz and Santa Rosa as one. "They had already seen the Island of Santa Rosa, as part of the Island of Santa Cruz when they overlapped and were named San Lucas. Now they discover San Miguel separated from the Island of Santa Rosa, which was supposed to be the western part of San Lucas" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 204). 2 Herrera says : "During the eight days that they remained in the port they were well treated by the Indians, who go naked and paint their faces after the manner of Axedrez " (Historia General, dec. VII. , lib. V., cap. III.). 3 San Miguel Island. The latitude of the anchorage is 34° 3'. After Ca- brillo's death Ferrelo named the island La Isla de Juan Rodriguez. See p. 33. Herrera adds some information at this point (Historia General, dec. VII., lib. V., cap. III.). 4 "To a coast" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 208). 1542] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 29 Tuesday, the 31st of the said month, eve of the Feast of All Saints, tacking back and forth, trying to approach the main- land in search of a large river1 which they had heard was on the other side of Cape Galera, and because on the land there were signs of rivers. But they found none, neither did they anchor here, because the coast was very bold. This month they found on this coast the same weather as in Spain from thirty-four degrees and upward, with severe cold in the mornings and at night, and with storms, very dark and cloudy weather, and heavy atmosphere. On Wednesday, the 1st day of November, at midnight, standing off, they encountered a heavy wind from the north- northwest, which prevented them from carrying a palm of sail, and by dawn it had freshened so that they were forced to seek shelter, and they therefore went to take refuge under Cape Galera. There they cast anchor and went ashore ; and although there was a large pueblo which they call Xexo,2 because wood did not appear to be close at hand they decided to go to the pueblo of Las Sardinas,3 because there the water and wood were close and handy. This shelter under Galera they called the port of Todos Santos.4 On the following Thursday they went to the pueblo of Las Sardinas,5 where they remained three days, taking on water and wood. The natives of the country aided them and brought the wood and water to the ships. This pueblo of the port of Sardinas they call Cicacut ; the others, between there and Cape Galera, are Ciucut, Anacot, Maqui- nanoa, Paltatre, Anacoat, Olesino, Caacat, Paltocac, Tocane, Opia, Opistopia, Nocos, Yutum, Quiman, Micoma, Garomi- sopona. The ruler6 of these pueblos is an old Indian woman, who came to the ships and slept two nights on the captain's ship, as did many Indians. The pueblo of Ciucut appeared to be the capital of the rest, for they came there from other pueblos at the call of this ruler. The pueblo which is at the 1 Perhaps the Purisima, or Santa Inez, emptying just north of Point Argiiello. 2 The Indian village at El Coxo anchorage. 3 The Sardines. 4 El Coxo anchorage, lat. 34° 28'. 5 Indian village at Gaviota Pass, lat. 34° 27'. This is the place where they secured so many sardines on October 17. (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 208, where a slight error in chronology occurs.) 6 La Senora. 30 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1542 cape they call Xexo. From this port to the pueblo of Las Canoas is another province which they call Xucu.1 Their houses are round and very well covered clear to the ground. They wear skins of many kinds of animals. They eat oak acorns, and a seed the size of maize. It is white, and from it they make tamales ; it is a good food. They say that in the interior there is much maize, and that men like us are going about there. This port is in thirty-five and two-thirds degrees. On Monday, the 6th of said month of November, they left the said port of Sardinas ; that day they made almost no prog- ress, and until the following Friday they sailed with very light wind. That day we arrived at Cape Galera.2 During all this course they could make no use of the Indians who came aboard with water and fish, and appeared very friendly. They have in their pueblos large plazas, and have an enclosure like a fence ; and around the enclosure they have many blocks of stone set in the ground, and projecting three palms above it. Within the enclosures they have many timbers set up like thick masts. On these poles they have many paintings, and we thought that they worshipped them, because when they dance they go dancing around the enclosure. On the following Saturday, the day of San Martin, the 11th of the said month of November, they held on their course, sailing along the coast,3 and that morning found themselves twelve leagues from the cape in the same place where they had first arrived. All this day they had good wind, and they journeyed along the coast from southeast to northwest, making twenty leagues. All this coast which they ran this day is bold and entirely without shelter. All along it runs a chain of very high mountains. It is as high at the seacoast as in the interior, and the sea beats upon it. They saw no settle- ment nor any smokes, and all the coast, which has no shelter from the north, is uninhabited. They named these mountains the Sierras de San Martin.4 They are in thirty-seven and one-half degrees. Their northwest extremity forms a cape 1 Elsewhere said to extend from San Buenaventura to Point Concepcion. 2 Point Concepcion, lat. 34° 27'. 3 Driven by a southwester (Herrera, Historia General, dec. VII., lib. V., cap. IV.). 4 The Santa Lucfa Mountain. 1542] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 31 which juts into the sea. It is in thirty-eight degrees. They named it Cape Martin.1 At four o'clock this Saturday night, when lying-to at sea about six leagues from the coast, waiting for morning, with a southeast wind, there blew up so heavy a gale from the south- west and south-southwest, with rain and dark clouds, that they could not carry a palm of sail, and were forced to scud with a small foresail, with much labor, the whole night. On the following Sunday the tempest became much more violent and continued all day, all night, and until noon of the follow- ing day. The storm was as severe as any there could be in Spain. On Saturday night they lost sight of their consort. On Monday, the 13th of said month of November, at the hour of vespers, the wind calmed down and shifted to the west, and at once they set sail and went in search of the con- sort, steering towards the land, praying to God that they might find her, for they greatly feared that she might be lost. They ran to the north and north-northwest with a wind from the west and west-northwest, and at daybreak on the follow- ing Tuesday they sighted the land.2 They had to run until the afternoon, when they went to reconnoitre a very high coast, and then proceeded along the coast to see if there were any port where they might take shelter. So great was the swell of the ocean that it was terrifying to see, and the coast was bold and the mountains very high. In the afternoon they lay-to for shelter. The coast runs from northwest to south- east. They examined the coast at a point which projects into the sea and forms a cape.3 The point is covered with timber, and is in forty degrees. On Wednesday, the 15th of said month, they sighted the consort, whereupon they heartily thanked God, for they had thought her lost. They made toward her, and in the after- noon they joined company. Those on the other ship had ex- perienced greater labor and risk than those of the captain's 1 Point Pinos, in lat. 36° 38'. 2 Davidson says the land sighted was to the northward of Russian River (Early Voyages, p. 220). 3 The bold, high spur of the coast mountains nearly overhanging Ft. Ross Cove, lat. 38° 31'. Herrera calls it Cabo de Pinos (Historia General, dec. VII., lib. V., cap. IV.). 32 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1542 ship, since it was a small vessel and had no deck. This coun- try where they were sailing is apparently very good, but they saw no Indians or smokes. There are large mountains cov- ered with snow, and there is heavy timber. At night they lowered sails and lay-to. On the following Thursday, the 16th of the said month of November, they found themselves at daybreak in a great bay, which came at a turn, and which appeared to have a port and river. They held on, beating about that day and night and on the following Friday, until they saw that there was neither river nor shelter. In order to take possession they cast anchor in forty-five fathoms, but they did not dare go ashore because of the high sea. This bay is in thirty-nine degrees, full, and its entire shore is covered with pines clear to the sea. They named it Bay of Los Pinos.1 That night they lay-to until the following day. The following Saturday they ran along the coast, and at night found themselves off Cape San Martin.2 All the coast run this day is very bold ; the sea has a heavy swell, and the coast is very high. There are mountains which reach the sky, and the sea beats upon them. When sailing along near the land, it seems as if the mountains would fall upon the ships. They are covered with snow to the summit, and they named them the Sierras Nevadas.3 At the beginning of them a cape is formed which projects into the sea,4 and which they named Cape Nieve.5 The coast runs from north-northwest 1 Drake's Bay, lat. 38°. Navarrete thought this might be Monterey Bay (Sutil y Mexicana, Introduccion, p. xxxii.). For Drake's anchorage in this bay see W. S. W. Vaux, ed., The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake; J. S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy ; Davidson, Early Voyages, pp. 214-218 ; Davidson, Identification of Sir Francis Drake's Anchorage on the Coast of California in the Year 1579 (San Francisco, 1890). 2 Either the limit of Sierra Santa Lucia, near Point Carmel, or the San Martin of the earlier part of the voyage, the former being more likely (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 224). 3 "It is evident that Ferrelo runs ahead in his narrative to describe in gen- eral terms the appearance of the coast range of Mountains from the Gulf of Farallones to Cape San Martin, and then returns to take up the details" (David- son, Early Voyages, p. 224). 4 The San Francisco peninsula. 6 "Snow Cape." Black Mountain, lat. 37° 9'. Navarrete says "appar- ently Point Ano Nuevo" (Sutil y Mexicana, Introduccion, p. xxxii.). 1542] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 33 to south-southeast. It does not appear that Indians live on this coast. This Cape Nieve is in thirty-eight and two-thirds degrees. Whenever the wind blew from the northwest the weather was clear and fair. On Thursday, the 23d of the month, they arrived, on the return, in the islands of San Lucas, at one of them called La Posesion.1 They had run the entire coast, point by point, from Cape Pinos to the islands, and had found no shelter what- ever, wherefore they were forced to return to said island be- cause during these past days there was a strong wind from the west-northwest, and the swell of the sea was heavy. From Cape Martin to Cape Pinos we did not see a single Indian, the reason being that the coast is bold, rugged, and without shelter. But southeast of Cape Martin for fifteen leagues they found the land inhabited, and with many smokes, because the coun- try is good. But from Cape Martin up to forty degrees we saw no sign of Indians. Cape Martin2 is in thirty-seven and one-half degrees. Passing the winter on the island of La Posesion,3 on the 3d of the month of January, 1543, Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, captain of the said ships, departed from this life, as the result of a fall which he suffered on said island when they were there before, from which he broke an arm near the shoulder. He left as captain the chief pilot, who was one Bartolome Ferrelo, a native of the Levant. At the time of his death he emphati- cally charged them not to leave off exploring as much as pos- sible of all that coast. They named the island the Island of Juan Rodriguez.4 The Indians call it Ciquimuymu ; the next they call Nicalque, and the next, Limu. On this island of La 1 San Miguel Island, lat. 34° 3'. "Ferrelo again runs ahead of events in his narrative in mentioning his approach to the Santa Barbara Islands and then returns and describes the coast from Cabo de Pinos (Northwest Cape at Fort Ross)" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 224). 2 Probably Mount Carmel, in lat. 36° 22'. 3 San Miguel Island. Henshaw remarks : "The three centuries and more that have elapsed have witnessed great changes in the appearance of the island of San Miguel, evidently then well populated. It has become barren and deso- late in the extreme by reason of the drifted sand, which lies on it to the depth of many feet and which will doubtless always preserve the secret of Cabrillo's grave" (Voyage of Cabrillo, p. 311, note). 4 San Miguel Island. 34 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1543 Posesion there are two pueblos, one called Zaco and the other Nimollollo. On the next island there are three pueblos, one called Nichochi, another Coycoy, and another Estocoloco. On the third island there are eight pueblos, namely, Niqueses- quelua, Poele, Pisqueno, Pualnacatup, Patiquiu, Patiquilid, Ninumu, Muoc, Pilidquay, and Lilibeque. The Indians of these islands are very poor. They are fishermen, and they eat nothing except fish. They sleep on the ground. Their sole business and employment is fishing. They say that in each house there are fifty persons. They live very swinishly, and go about naked. They remained on these islands from the 23d of November till the 19th of January. During all this time, which was nearly two months, there were very heavy winter winds and rains. The prevailing winds were west-southwest, south- southwest, and west-northwest. There were very violent winds. On Friday, the 19th of the said month of January, 1543, they set sail from the island of Juan Rodriguez, which is called Ciquimuymu, to go to the mainland in search of some provisions for their voyage. As they were leaving the port they encoun- tered a heavy wind from the west-northwest, which forced them to seek shelter at the other islands of San Lucas. They anchored at the island of Limun, which they called San Sal- vador.1 They were forced to weigh anchor again and depart, because there was no port other than the shelter of the islands. The wind shifted on-shore,2 and they sailed around these islands eight days with very foul winds, taking shelter from them under the islands themselves; and on the twenty- seventh of said month they entered the same port of the island of Juan Rodriguez where they had been at first. Their great- est difficulty was because the winds were not steady, for they kept changing about from one direction to another. Those most constant are from the west-northwest and west-south- west. 1 Santa Cruz Island, lat. 34° 2'. This name had already been given to Santa Catalina Island. From Navarrete one would get the impression that this is the same Salvador which he identifies with the San Clemente (Sutil y Mexicana, Introduccion, p. xxxiii.). 2 "From all points" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 226). 1543] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 35 Tuesday, the 29th of the said month of January, they set sail from the island of Juan Rodriguez for the island of San Lucas/ which is between the others, to get certain anchors which they had left there during a storm, not being able to raise them.2 They recovered them and took on water. They left this island of San Lucas on Monday, the 12th of the month of February, not being able to do so sooner be- cause of the bad weather, with winds and heavy snow, which they encountered. It is inhabited and the people are like those of the other island. The Indians call it Nicalque. There are three pueblos on it, called Nicochi, Coycoy, and Coloco. This day they went to the port of Las Sardinas3 to get wood and other things necessary for their voyage, for there were none on the islands. On Wednesday, the 14th of the said month, they left the port of Las Sardinas, having secured a boatload of wood. They did not dare remain there longer because of the heavy sea. They did not find so many Indians as at first, nor any fishing at all, because it was winter. The natives were eating acorns from the oaks, and another seed, and raw plants from the field. From here they went to the island of San Salvador,4 because they were safer there from the storms in setting sail to run out to sea. On Sunday, the 18th of the said month of February, they left the island of San Salvador with a favorable northeast wind, and ran to the southwest, because they told them that toward the southwest there were other islands. At nightfall of this day, when they were about twelve leagues from the island of San Salvador, they saw six islands, some large and some small. This day a sailor died. On the following Mon- day, at daybreak, they were at sea about ten leagues to wind- ward of the islands ; and with the wind in the west-northwest they stood off to the southwest five days, at the end of which time they had made about a hundred leagues. Finding the winds more violent and a heavy sea, on Thursday, the 22d of said month of February, they turned again toward the land 1 Santa Rosa Island, lat. 33° 57'. 2 Davidson thinks that he probably lost his anchors in Becher's Bay {Early Voyages, p. 228). 3 Off Gaviota Pass, lat. 34° 27'. 4 Santa Cruz Island. 36 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1543 to go in search of Cape Pinos, with a wind from the south- southeast which lasted for three days and became each day more violent. On the following Sunday , at daybreak, they sighted Cape Pinos,1 and at nightfall of the same day were twenty leagues to windward on a coast running from north- west to southeast. It is bold and without shelter. Not a single smoke was seen on the land. They saw a point2 which was like a spur of land where the coast turned north-northwest. At midnight the wind shifted to the south-southwest, and they ran west-northwest till next day. In the morning the wind shifted to the west-southwest and became very strong, lasting till the following Tuesday. They ran toward the northwest.3 Tuesday, the 27th of said month, the wind shifted to the south-southwest, and continued in that direction all day. They ran west-northwest with foresails lowered, because the wind was high. At night the wind shifted to the west. They ran south all night with but little sail. There was a high sea which broke over them. On the following Wednesday, the 28th of said month, at daybreak, the wind shifted directly to the southwest, and did not blow hard. This day they took the latitude in forty-three degrees.4 Toward night the wind freshened and shifted to the south-southwest. They ran this night to the west-north- west, with great difficulty, and on Thursday, in the morning, the wind shifted to the southwest with great fury, the seas coming from many directions, causing them great fatigue and breaking over the ships ; and as they had no decks, if God had not succored them they could not have escaped. Not being able to lay-to, they were forced to scud northeast toward the 1 Northwest Cape, lat. 38° 31/ just east of Fort Ross anchorage. 2 Point Arena, the Punta de Arena of later Spanish navigators, lat. 38° 57' (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 247). Called Cabo de Fortunas by Herrera {His- toria General, dec. VII., lib. V., cap. IV.). 3 "They saw the great mountain mass which reaches a height of nearly 4300 feet a little to the northward of Point Delgada at Shelter Cove ; and con- tinues as a bold range to the north of Cape Mendocino. They could not have seen Point Delgada because it is low and projected on the base of the coast mountains" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 230). 4 "On the 28th of February, 1543, they were out of sight of land, and prob- ably in latitude 413^°, allowing a correction of one and a half degrees to his re- ported latitude" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p„ 234). 1543] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 37 land; and now, thinking themselves lost, they commended themselves to Our Lady of Guadalupe and made their vows. Thus they ran until three o'clock in the afternoon, with great fear and travail, because they concluded that they were about to be lost, for they saw many signs that land was near by, both birds and very green trees, which came from some rivers, although because the weather was very dark and cloudy the land was invisible.1 At this hour the Mother of God suc- cored them, by the grace of her Son, for a very heavy rain- storm came up from the north which drove them south with foresails lowered all night and until sunset the next day ; and as there was a high sea from the south it broke every time over the prow and swept over them as over a rock. The wind shifted to the northwest and to the north-northwest with great fury, forcing them to scud to the southeast and east-southeast until Saturday the 3d of March, with a sea so high that they became crazed, and if God and his blessed Mother had not miraculously saved them they could not have escaped. On Saturday at midday the wind calmed down and remained in the northwest, for which they gave heartfelt thanks to our Lord. With respect to food they also suffered hardship, be- cause they had nothing but damaged biscuit. It appears to them that there is a very large river, of which they had much notice, between forty-one and forty-three de- grees, because they saw many signs of it.2 This day in the afternoon they recognized Cape Pinos,3 but because of the high sea they were forced to run the coast in return in search of a port. They experienced great cold. On Monday, the 5th of the month of March, 1543, in the morning, they found themselves at the island of Juan Ro- 1 "They were probably in latitude 42° 30', abreast of Rogue River and work- ing their way back to El Cabo de Pinos ; but they must have been seventy miles broad off the coast, which was therefore not visible. The logs were brought down the flooded rivers of this part of the coast; and they always have been a feature off the coast north of Mendocino" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 234). According to Herrera on March 1 they took latitude and found it to be 44° (Historia General, dec. VIL, lib. V., cap. IV.). 2 "On Saturday, March 3, 1543, they were approaching the coast south of Point Arena, but Ferrelo goes back in his narrative" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 236). 3 Northwest Cape, lat. 38° 31'. 38 CALIFORNIA: CABRILLO EXPEDITION [1543 driguez,1 but they did not dare enter the port because of the high tempest which caused breakers at its entrance in fifteen fathoms. The wind was from the north-northwest. The en- trance is narrow. They ran to shelter under the island of San Salvador2 on the southeast side. The night before, com- ing with a high tempest, with only two small foresails, they lost sight of the other ship, and feared that she had been swal- lowed up by the sea ; and they were unable to find her again, even in the morning. They think that they must have been in forty-four degrees when struck by the last storm which drove them to shelter.3 On Thursday, the 8th of the said month, they left the island of San Salvador to go to the mainland in search of the other ship. They went to the pueblo of Las Canoas,4 but did not get any news of her. Here they secured four Indians. On the following Friday, the 9th of the said month, they left the pueblo of Las Canoas and went to the island of San Salvador, but still did not find the consort. On Sunday, the 11th of said month, they reached the port of San Miguel5 but did not find the consort there, or any news of her. Here they waited six days ; here they secured two boys to take to New Spain as interpreters, and left cer- tain signals in case the other ship should come here. On Saturday, the 17th of the said month, they left said port of San Miguel. On the following Sunday they reached the Bay of San Mateo,6 but still did not find trace of the other ship. On Sunday, the 18th of said month, in the afternoon, they left this Bay of San Mateo, and on the following Wednesday, the 21st of said month, they arrived at the port of La Posesion,7 but still found no news of the consort. They waited two days 1 San Miguel Island, and Cuyler's Harbor, lat. 34° 3'. 2 Smuggler's Cove, Santa Cruz Island, lat. 34° 2'. ' To reach this anchorage he must have sailed along the north shore of San Miguel Island, Santa Rosa Island, and Santa Cruz Island, and rounded the easternmost point of the latter to find shelter from the northwest wind at Smuggler's Cove" (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 238). 3 The highest point reached was probably 423^°. See note 1, p. 9. 4 San Buenaventura, nineteen miles north-northeast of Smuggler's Cove. 6 San Diego Bay. 6 Todos Santos Bay. 7 Port San Quentin, Lower California. 1543] RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO 39 without entering the port, because they did not dare to enter it on account of the high northwest wind ; and because they parted their cable they were forced to weigh anchor. On Friday, the 23d day of said month, they left the port of La Posesion, and on the following Saturday, at midnight, they reached the island of Cedros ;l and being there on the following Monday, the 26th of the said month, the other ship arrived at the island of Cedros, whereupon they were greatly rejoiced and gave hearty thanks to God. This ship passed by2 the island of Juan Rodriguez, striking some shoals at night and they thought they would be lost, but the sailors promised Our Lady to make a pilgrimage to her church stripped to the waist,3 and she saved them. On Monday, the 2d day of the month of April, they left the island of Cedros to return to New Spain, because they had no supplies with which to again attempt to explore the coast. They arrived in the port of Navidad on Saturday, the 14th day of the said month of April. As captain of the ships came Bartolome Ferrel, chief pilot of the ships, in lieu of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, who died on the island of La Posesion. In said ships came4 men. 1 Cerros Island. 2 Paso en. Evans renders this "put into," while Davidson renders it "passed by." Relying on this expression and the narrative in Herrera, David- son states that the fragata did not make port on San Miguel Island (Isla de Juan Rodriguez) but sought shelter on Santa Rosa Island or San Sebastian (Early Voyages, p. 238). 3 En carnes, literally, "naked." I here follow a suggestion made by Father Zephyrin Engelhardt in a discussion with me in regard to pilgrimages. 4 Left blank in the manuscript. CALIFORNIA 2. THE VIZCAINO EXPEDITION, 1602-1603 INTRODUCTION Almost simultaneously with the voyage of Cabrillo, Villa- lobos crossed the Pacific Ocean from Mexico and took formal possession of the San Lazaro Islands, their name now being changed to the Philippines. It was still twenty years before the islands were occupied, but in 1565 Legazpi led an expedi- tion from Mexico, and during the next six years subdued the islands, precisely at the time when the province of Florida was being founded by Menendez de Aviles. At once a regular trade, conducted by means of the annual Manila galleon, was established between Mexico and the Philippines. This event gave rise to a new interest in the California coast. It was soon learned that the most practicable return route from Manila was northward to the Japan current and across the Pacific to the California coast in the latitude of Cape Mendocino. But the security of this route and of the Strait of Anian, whose existence was generally believed in, was threatened by the operations of the French and the Eng- lish in the northern Atlantic, and by the exploits of Drake and Cavendish in the Pacific. By now, a Spanish writer has said, "the English had begun to lord it over the South Sea, terroriz- ing our coasts by outrages, incendiarism, robbery, and notori- ous piracy." Moreover, a port of call on the California coast was needed for the Manila galleon, as a place for shelter and repairs, and for relief for the sailors from the terrible scourge of scurvy. With these needs in view, plans were made by Viceroy Pedro Moya de Contreras (1584-1585) for exploring the entire northwestern coast of America. But little came of them until 43 44 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION 1595, when Cermeno was sent from Manila to explore down the California seaboard. At Drake's Bay his vessel, the San Agustin, was driven on the coast and wrecked, the crew escap- ing to Mexico in two barks built from the planks of the ship. Simultaneously with the despatch of Cermeno, Sebastian Vizcaino was commissioned by Viceroy Velasco to explore the Gulf of California and establish settlements on the Peninsula. Vizcaino had been for several years a trader between Mexico and the Orient. He had been in the Manila galleon, Santa Ana, which Cavendish had plundered in 1588. See Hakluyt's Voyages.1 It is significant that at the same time, also, Velasco was arranging with Juan de Onate for colonizing New Mexico, one of the primary purposes being the protection of the northern strait. The three enterprises were directed to a common end. After some opposition by the new viceroy, the Conde de Mon- terrey, in 1596 Vizcaino set forth with his expedition, planted a colony at La Paz, on the site formerly occupied by Cortes, and explored many leagues up the inner coast. But an Indian attack, lack of provisions, severe weather, and other difficul- ties, soon caused the abandonment of the project. Vizcaino had failed, and while he was on his expedition a royal order had come requiring that his contract be rescinded. Nevertheless, he recommended another attempt, and volun- teered to undertake it. His plan was to explore the gulf completely and to colonize its shores, but it did not look to the exploration of the outer coasts. Notwithstanding his former opposition, the viceroy now supported Vizcaino's peti- tion, admitting that he had found in him more ability than he had expected in a mere merchant. He recommended, however, that, before attempting to colonize, an exploration be made of the gulf and its pearl-fisheries. Referring to the wreck of Cermeno, and to the need of a port for the Manila galleons, 1 VII. 133-135, Everyman ed. INTRODUCTION 45 he suggested that the exploration of the outer coast be com- bined with that of the gulf. The matter being considered in the Council of the Indies, it was decided that Vizcaino should be ordered to continue with his contract, which had not been fulfilled, and that the coast exploration be undertaken, but that it be done inde- pendently of that of the gulf. The royal order for the continu- ation of the coastwise exploration was dated September 27, 1599. To command the expedition the viceroy selected Viz- caino, whose enterprise of pearl-fishing and colonizing was now turned into one primarily concerned with the outer coast. The royal order specifically provided that the expedition should not stop in the gulf to explore, and so the open instructions of Vizcaino stipulated, but by secret orders Vizcaino was author- ized to explore the gulf on his return. The king had contemplated an expedition in one vessel, but, because of the difficulty of the voyage, the viceroy decided to send two ships and a frigate. The San Diego, the captain's ship, was brought for the occasion from Guatemala by Captain Toribio Gomez de Corban ; the Santo Tomds, admiral's ship, was a Peruvian trading vessel purchased at the last moment at Acapulco ; the Tres Reyes, a fragata or frigate, was built for the voyage at the last-named port. The enlistments were made primarily in Mexico City. It being difficult to secure men as sailors only, Vizcaino was allowed to raise his standard and enlist men as both soldiers and sailors. As admiral, in command of the Santo Tomds, went Captain Gomez ; as commander of the Tres Reyes, Sebastian Melendez ; the chief pilot, with the San Diego, was Francisco de Bolanos, who had been wrecked with Cermeno at Drake's Bay in 1595. As chief cosmographer the viceroy appointed Captain Gero- nimo Martin Palacios, a man of twenty years' experience, who had just come from Spain. To insure dignity and authority, the viceroy sent six old soldiers, with the title of counsellors 46 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION (entretenidos) for his Majesty. Three men in particular were empowered to advise with Vizcaino : Captain Gomez, Captain Peguero, and Ensign Alarcon, "exceptional men," who had seen service in Flanders and Brittany. Spiritual interests were intrusted to three Carmelites, Fray Andres de la Asumpcion, Fray Antonio de la Ascension, and Fray Tomas de Aquino.1 Father Ascension was a cosmographer, and had been pilot in voyages to the Indies before taking the habit in Mexico. Vizcaino sailed from Acapulco on May 5. In trying to pass San Lucas Bay in June his fleet was three times driven back to that port by headwinds, and before reaching Magdalena Bay the vessels became separated by storms. At Magdalena Bay extensive explorations were made by the San Diego and the Tres Reyes. At Cerros Island the vessels were all re- united, but, after leaving there on September 9, the Santo Tomas again parted company. In November the other ves- sels spent five days in San Diego Bay, to which they gave its present name. Early in December explorations were made at Santa Catalina Island, where the vessels were again reunited. The crews were now falling ill, and winter was coming on, and haste was necessary. Proceeding therefore into the Santa Barbara Canal, so named by Vizcaino, the vessels were driven through it by a storm. Rounding Point Concepcion and sail- ing close under Santa Lucia Mountain, on December 15 they discovered the Bay of Monterey, "the best that could be de- sired." This was the capital event of the expedition. But it now became necessary to depart from the original plan of the voyage. Several men had died, forty-five or more were ill of scurvy, and provisions were running short. Accord- 1 For the preparation of the Vizcaino expedition see especially the corre- spondence printed in Carrasco y Guisasola, Documentos referentes al Reconoci- miento de las Costas de las Calif ornias desde el Cabo de San Lucas al de Mendocino, recopilados en el Archivo de Indias (Madrid, 1882), pp. 36-46; "Instruccion y horden," ibid., pp. 47-56 ; Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, I. 693-697; Cesareo Fernandez Duro, Armada Espanola, III. 297-300. INTRODUCTION 47 ingly, the Santo Tomds was sent back to secure supplies with which to explore the gulf on the return, carrying the sick, and leaving the other vessels to continue up the coast. Setting out on January 3, 1603, the San Diego anchored at Drake's Bay on the 9th. Meanwhile the Tres Reyes had parted company. The experiences during the remainder of the voyage were strikingly similar to those of the Ferrelo party, although much more terrible. The two vessels proceeded sep- arately amid storms, and were not reunited until they reached Acapulco. Reaching Cape Mendocino on January 12, the San Diego attempted to turn back, but was driven to latitude 42°, returning thence to Mazatlan in direst distress. The little frigate had succeeded in getting farther north than the San Diego. After separation from her companion, she was driven in the storm till a point was seen called Cape Blanco, in latitude reckoned at 43°. Meanwhile the pilot had died, and the vessel was left in charge of the boatswain. In his declaration made in Mexico he told of discovering a great river and bay, which they had tried to enter, in latitude 41°, just below Cape Mendocino. From Cape Mendocino past Cape Blanco, he said, the coast ran northeast. On the basis of the boatswain's declaration the chief pilot of the expe- dition, Geronimo Martin Palacios, placed on his chart a large bay and river, which do not exist in fact, just below Cape Mendocino. Torquemada, writing immediately after the ex- pedition, told of the attempt of the Tres Reyes to enter a great river, but placed it near Cape Blanco, and concluded that it was the Strait of Anian. He either got his information from some source other than the boatswain's declaration, or else misplaced the river, which seems the more probable, as he said nothing of a river near Cape Mendocino. He also stated that the coast ran northwest above Cape Blanco, whereas the boatswain stated that it ran northeast. Trying to identify the river mentioned by Torquemada as near Cape Blanco, 48 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION later students have thought it to be the Rogue River. This seems to be a departure from the sources. The Vizcaino party, like that of Ferrelo, missed the Golden Gate and San Francisco Bay. The principal printed sources of information regarding the Vizcaino expedition of 1602 are contained in Carrasco y Gui- sasola, Documentos referentes al Reconocimiento de las Costas de las Calif ornias desde el Cabo de San Lucas al de Mendocino recopilados en el Archivo de Indias (Madrid, 1882). The work contains documents between the dates 1584 and 1609. Con- cerning the expedition in 1602, they comprise communications of the governments in Mexico and Spain with each other and with Vizcaino, the viceroy's instructions to Vizcaino, two journals, and a derrotero, or description of the route explored. The general diary (pp. 68-107) has no title but begins "Rey- nando El rrey don phelipe nuestro senor," etc. (printed here, pp. 52-103). Its author is not named, but the attestation at the end states that it was taken from "the original book of his Majesty." It is hereinafter referred to as Vizcaino's diary. The other journal published in Carrasco (pp. 109-148) is en- titled "Copia de libro diario llevado por Sebastian Vizcaino durante el descubrimiento y demarcacion de las costas del mar del Sur, desde el puerto de Acapulco al cabo Mendocino, en 1602." It consists of the records of the juntas, or coun- cils, held by Vizcaino with his officers during the voyage. It is referred to hereinafter as the Libro Diario. The Derrotero (pp. 149-172), written by the cosmographer, is entitled " Derrotero de la navegacion desde el puerto de acapco. Al cabo Mendogino y Boca de las Californias fecho Por El Capn. geronimo Mm. Palacios cosmografo mayor del nuebo descubrimiento," etc. This Derrotero describes the route which should be followed, with " latitudes, landmarks, and other requisites demanded by the art of navigation." It was made in conference with the pilots and in the presence of INTRODUCTION 49 Father Fray Antonio de la Ascension. It gives a most de- tailed description of the coast, based on the experience of the voyage, but does not relate the incidents of the journey. Ap- pended to the Derrotero is the statement by the boatswain of the Tres Reyes regarding the voyage of that vessel above Drake's Bay. It is entitled "Relation que dio el Contra- maestre de la Fragata de los Tres Reyes, La Qual me dio por Escrito el Gen1. Sevastian Bizcayno es la Sigte" (pp. 171- 172). The Derrotero is accompanied by an "Explication que acompana a cada una de las vistas de costa y pianos de este derrotero" (172-182). It consists of an explanation of thirty- three vistas or pianos (charts), which were made to accompany the Derrotero. The pianos are not printed in Carrasco y Guisasola. In 1603 they were redrawn in colors from the original, by Enrico Martinez, royal cosmographer in New Spain.1 On the backs of the charts are the descriptions, corre- sponding to the vistas in Carrasco y Guisasola but with differ- ent numbering. Two of the charts are reproduced in black in Richman, California under Spain and Mexico, pp. 22-23. A map combining the charts was published in Madrid in 1802, in the Navarrete Atlas para el Viage de las Goletas Sutil y Mexicana al Reconocimiento del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca. It is referred to hereinafter as the Carta. A complete set of the pianos is in the Bancroft Library, and will be published in facsimile by Professor Frederick J. Teggart. Their publica- tion will be a most important contribution to materials for the Vizcaino expedition. Most of the documents published by Carrasco y Guisasola concerning the antecedents of the expedition and three of those narrating events of the voyage are translated by George Butler Griffin in Historical Society of Southern California Publications, II. (1891) 5-73. The three concerning the events of the voyage are letters written by Vizcaino at Aca- 1 See Fernandez Duro, Armada Espanola, III. 302, note. 50 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION pulco, May 5, 1602; on the eve of the departure; at the Bay of Monterey, December 28, 1602, on the eve of the return of the Santo Tomds; and at Mexico City, May 23, 1603, after the return of the expedition. Father Ascension kept a diary of the voyage and made a map, but neither has been published. In 1620 he wrote an account of the voyage with his original diary in hand. This account (printed hereinafter, pp. 105-134) is published in Pacheco and Cardenas, Coleccion de Docwnentos Ineditos, VIII. 539-574, under the title "Relation breve en que se da noticia del descubrimiento que se hizo en la Nueva Espana, en la mar del Sur, desde el puerto de Acapulco hasta mas adelante del cabo de Mendocino/ ' etc. It is published from a manuscript in the Biblioteca National, at Madrid. With it is printed a letter by Francisco Ramirez de Arellano transmitting the nar- rative to the king. The Relation Breve devotes only brief space to the events of the voyage, but elaborates the descrip- tion of the country, and gives extensive space to recommenda- tions regarding the occupation of California. Between 1602 and 1620 the expeditions of Onate and Iturbi to the Gulf had given rise to the notion that California was an island instead of a peninsula. This theory Father Ascension accepts in his narrative. The Relation Breve therefore may be regarded as representing two distinct periods. The narrative of the voyage is an authentic though brief account of an eye-witness ; the insular theory represents the result of developments sub- sequent to 1602, while the recommendations illustrate the ideas held in 1620 regarding the colonization of California. Most impoi nt of all the older accounts by other than eye-witnesses is at contained in Torquemada's Monarchia Indiana (I. 693-725), which was completed by 1612. Tor- quemada wrote from very full sources, having data especially regarding the movements of the Santo Tomds which we do not possess. His account was reprinted in Venegas's (Bur- INTRODUCTION 51 riel's) Noticia de la California (Madrid, 1757), III. 22-139. Venegas states that Torquemada's account was an extracto or summary of the relation written by Father Ascension (1. 191). The version of Torquemada's account in the English transla- tion of Venegas is very incomplete and unsatisfactory at many points. A less important early account is that of Zarate- Salmeron, "Jornada de Sebastian Vizcaino al Cabo Mendo- cino/ ' in Relationes de todas las Cosas que en el Nuevo Mexico se han visto y sabido, asi por Mar como por Tierra, desde el Ano de 1538 hasta el de 1626 por el Padre Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron (Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, tercera serie, Mexico, 1856). ■ T DIARY OF SEBASTIAN VIZCAINO, 1602-16031 In the reign of our lord, King Philip, the third of this name, the Most Illustrious Senor Don Gaspar de Suniga y Acevedo, Count of Monte Rey, being viceroy, governor, and captain-general of this New Spain, an exploration was made of the ports, bays, and inlets of the coast of the South Sea from Cape Mendocino, by order of his Majesty, for certain purposes of the royal service, Sebastian Vizcayno, a resident of Mexico, being the general under whose charge and orders went the seamen and soldiers of the said expedition, in the year one thousand six hundred and two. Chapter 1. The Departure of the General from Mexico. The said general left the city of Mexico in prosecution of his voyage on the day of Santo Tomas de Aquino, which was the 7th of March of the said year, taking with him three re- ligious of the Discalced Order of Our Lady of Carmen, the commissary, Fray Andres de la Umsumcion,2 Fray Antonio de la Asencion, and Fray Tomas de Aquino ; and his son Don Juan Vizcaino ; and as chief cosmographer, Captain Geronimo Martin3 de Palacios ; and as counsellors, Captain Alonso Este- van Peguero, Ensign Pasqual de Alarcon, Ensign Martin de Aguilar Galeote, and Ensign Juan de Azevedo y Pereda ; as 1 Carrasco y Guisasola, Documentos refer entes al Reconocimiento de las Costas de las Californias, pp. 68-107. 2 A misprint for Asumpcion. See Torquemada, Monorchia Indiana, I. 695. 3 The name Martin is here abbreviated into Mm. This frequently occurs elsewhere with the name of the cosmographer, and also with that of Ensign Martin de Aguilar. Frequently the Mm. becomes Rm. and once Mn. in the transcript. But there is no doubt as to the meaning, because both names are sometimes spelled out, when the abbreviations do not occur. 52 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 53 ensign of the company came Juan Francisco Soriano, and as sergeant, Miguel de Legar ; seamen and soldiers, one hundred and twenty-six.1 Chapter 2. The Arrival at the Port of Acapulco.2 The general arrived with his men at the port of Acapulco on the day of the glorious San Jose, the 19th3 of the said month and year. He found in it the captain's ship San Diego, which had arrived from El Rrealejo,4 the admirars ship Santo Tomas, the frigate Tres Reyes, and the long-boat. The general stayed in this port until May 5, careening and overhauling the ships and doing other carpentry work, and equipping them with everything necessary, in which he and his men labored hard, and in which, by means of his endeavors and of his outlay with calkers and other persons, great service was rendered his Majesty, not to mention the large expenditures caused by the men. Chapter 3. The Departure from Acapulco. The fleet left the said port on Sunday, the day of San Angelo, the 5th of the said month and year. It consisted of the said ships, frigate, and long-boat. As admiral went Torivio Gomez de Corban;5 as commander of the frigate, Sebastian Melendez ; as chief pilot, Francisco de Bolanos ; as pilot of the admiral's ship, Juan Pascual ; as his assistant and mate, Estevan Rodriguez and Baltasar de Armas ; and as pilot of the frigate, Antonio Flores. As patroness and pro- 1 Father Ascension says that there embarked from Acapulco about two hun- dred persons. Those in excess of one hundred and twenty-six must therefore have joined the expedition at Acapulco (Relacion Breve, cap. I.). 2 A port on the southern coast of Mexico, in the state of Guerrero, below lat. 17°. During most of the Spanish regime it was the port of entry for all trade between New Spain and the Philippine Islands. 3 Torquemada gives the date as the 20th (Monarchia Indiana, I. 695). 4 A port of Central America, in lat. 12° 28', to which Gomez had been sent for vessels. 6 From Torquemada we learn that G6mez had served many years in the cruising service on the coast of France and had held important offices (Monarchia Indiana, I. 694). 54 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 tector, Our Lady of Carmen was carried. We took her on board the day of the Exaltation of the Cross/ in procession, with all the sailors and soldiers in order, with a salute of artil- lery and musketry, the bow of the bark in which she was car- ried being covered with awning. This gave great pleasure to all the men on board the fleet and on the land. Sailing out to sea with a light wind, it was necessary to await the long-boat in order to tow it behind by a rope, and when it came alongside it caught its mast in the yard of the sprit-sail and capsized. The men who were in it swam to the captain's ship. The general was put to great pains in giving directions from on board, and it was righted with no little trouble and risk from its beating against the ship. But finally it got clear, and we steered up the coast ; and by tack- ing back and forth, with a head-wind, but aided by the tides, we made the port of La Navidad2 on Sunday, the 19th of the said month, it being necessary to ballast the captain's ship and to stop a leak which it had sprung through an auger-hole. This was done, and wood and water were taken on ; and on Wednesday, the 22d of the said month, we set sail, a council3 having previously been held of the said admiral, cosmog- rapher, captains, and pilots to consider the order that should be observed in the voyage to the islands of Masatlan, and a report of what was agreed upon and of our arrival at the said port having been despatched to the viceroy by way of Guada- lajara. Chapter 4. The Arrival at and Departure from the Port of Navidad. We left the port of Navidad, as stated, Wednesday, at eleven at night, in continuation of our voyage, with a land breeze and aided by the currents, which were in our favor, al- 1 The Invention of the Cross, May 3, is doubtless intended. 2 Lat. 19° 13'. See Cabrillo's diary, p. 13, above, note 1. 3 The original record of the council held on the San Diego at Navidad is in the Libro Diario, Carrasco y Guisasola, Documentos, pp. 109-112. It was agreed that to reach Cape San Lucas the voyage should be made along the coast to Mazatlan; in case the vessels should become separated on the way the first to arrive must wait there a week and then continue to Cape San Lucas, there to wait a week. If still alone at the end of that time, the crew must carve a cross on the most prominent tree and leave a written message buried at its foot. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 55 though with a light wind. We sighted Cape Corrientes on Monday, the 27th1 of the said month, the second day of the Feast of Espiritu Santo.2 This day an observation of the sun was made at a small island near the cape, to which was given the name of Espiritu Santo. Pursuing the voyage, on the next day, Tuesday, we arrived off the point of Tintoque, and off Saltelga and Chacala.3 These ports were not made, it not being convenient ; and without loss of time, with the wind not very favorable, but aided by the currents, we made the islands of Masatlan.4 We anchored there at eleven o'clock on Trinity Sunday, the 2d day of the month of June. The general permitted no one to go ashore. He alone went on the said islands in order to see if there was any water, but found none. A great many birds are found on these islands, in such numbers that they gathered in flocks which appeared like flocks of sheep ; and with the sardines which they had near their nests we could have fed many people. Chapter 5. The Departure from the Islands of Masatlan,5 Going forward on the voyage, and having passed Culiacan6 a matter of two leagues, the general gave orders to cross the entrance of the Calif ornias to the Cape of San Lucas. This was done, although with much labor, there being westerly 1 Lat. 20° 25'. Torquemada says they arrived on the 26th (Monarchia Indiana, I. 696). 2 Pentecost. 3 The Derrotero, pp. 153-154, mentions Punta de Tintoque, fourteen leagues above Cape Corrientes. It does not mention Saltelga or Chacala under those names. 4 Islas de San Juan de Macatlan (Vizcaino, Relaci6n of 1597, in Carrasco y Guisasola, Documentos, p. 25). In the Pianos, fol. 62, is a map of Islas de Macatlan. The anchorage was on the islands and not on the mainland. 6 In the text "Islas de Masatlan" is corrupted into "Velas de Masatlan." 6 Culiacan, in Sinaloa, near lat. 24° 40'. This place was founded in 1531, by Guzman, as an outpost of Nueva Galicia. Vizcaino's Relacion of 1597 states that from Acapulco to Puerto de £alagua it was one hundred leagues ; thence to Cape Corrientes, sixty leagues ; thence to Mazatlan, sixty leagues ; thence to Culiacan, forty leagues ; thence to Baldehermoso [Vallehermoso] in Sinaloa, fifty leagues; "from this point one crosses the gulf and mouth of the Californias, which is about eighty leagues across" (Carrasco y Guisasola, Documentos, p. 25). 56 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 head-winds; and going forward by tacking back and forth, after five days we found ourselves to be twelve leagues from the said Cape of San Lucas.1 Coasting along the land, on Saturday, the 8th day of the month of June, we arrived at the said Cape of San Lucas. We anchored in the Bay of San Ber- nabe, and because we anchored in it the same day, which was the eleventh of the said month, that saint's name was given to it.2 The ship being anchored, the admiral, the rest of the captains, and the ensign went ashore with their arms and fifty arquebusiers. We found awaiting us on the beach Indians to the number of a hundred, and the general, the religious, and everyone received them very well, embracing them and giving them food and other things, the Indians giving tiger and deerskins. That night the Indians went to their ranche- rias, and we remained on the beach. Orders were given to make ready the net for catching fish, but it was not necessary, for God granted that there should be cast upon the beach as many sardines as all could eat, with many left over. The following day, being the octave of the feast of the Most Holy Sacrament,3 the general ordered a tent pitched near the beach in the shelter of a large rock, where stopped the men of the ships in which the Englishman Don Tomas plun- dered.4 In this place and tent mass was said, and a proces- sion of the most Holy Sacrament held, in which Our Lady of Carmen was carried. The general and many men confessed and received communion. Father Fray Tomas de Aquino preached, and all with much joy, health, and peace gave thanks to God for having reached this place. For, in addition to its having been very much desired, we found in it many fish of different kinds and sardines in abundance, from which the 1 Davidson at this point by mistake places a paragraph from Ferrelo's voy- age under the head of Vizcaino, making it appear that Vizcaino arrived at Cape San Lucas on July 2 (Early Voyages, p. 161). 2 San Lucas Bay, lat. 22° 52' ; Cabrillo's Puerto de San Lucas (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 162). Martin, Pianos, fol. 61, shows on the west coast a "high white sand dune," not shown on the Carta. See Explication, 1, in Carrasco, Documentos, p. 172 ; Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, I. 697. 3 Octave of Corpus Christi, June 13, 1602. 4 There is clearly a mistake in the copy here. The text reads : "la nao Samque Rono El Yngles." I suggest the reading : "Los naos en que rouo El Yngles," which I have followed in the translation. The reference is, of course, to Thomas Cavendish. See Torquemada, I. 699. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 57 men received great satisfaction, as the fish were very whole- some. We found very good fresh water near the beach in a patch of green canes/ and we also found a great number of rabbits and several hares, and signs of deer ; but there was no fruit. We found incense trees, and some incense was gathered, as well as some wood ; and they finished making the extra sails, to replace those which were worn out. Sunday, the 16th of the said month, the general called a council 2 of the admiral, cosmographer, captains, and pilots for the purpose of determining the order of navigation from this place to the island of Serros. It was held, and that which was decided was noted down in the council book, with great unanimity of all.3 It being cold, the men asked the general that the supply of clothing which was brought be distributed, which was thereupon done ; and he also ordered an edict proclaimed to the effect that no one should gamble or sell them, under pain of death ; likewise that no one should harm any Indian, or molest him, or take anything from him by force. It was agreed to-day that on Wednesday, the 19th of the month, the moon being in conjunction, we should set sail in continuation of our voyage. This we did, and at four o'clock in the afternoon the captain's ship set sail, the others follow- ing. After we had rounded the cape, when six leagues from it a northwest wind came up which forced us to take shelter in the same bay, where we remained another two days, until it grew calm. We set sail a second time, but having arrived at the place before-mentioned the same wind struck us again and forced us to put into port.4 We were there three more 1 See the Carta, and Pianos, fol. 61. 2 See Libro Diario, p. 112. 3 It was agreed in the council that in case of parting company in a storm the vessels should put into the nearest and best bay discovered or return to San Bernabe, to await the others. In order to avoid trouble with the natives, no landing must be made of less than thirty armed men ; orders must be obeyed on pain of death ; Indians must not be ill treated, nor presents received except by the commander of the landing party (Libro Diario, pp. 113-114). 4 On June 21 a junta was held on the San Diego; already two attempts had been made to sail. It was now agreed that a new attempt should not be made till a change of weather or till full moon. Later in the same day the wind had shifted to the southeast and a new junta advised sailing with it, lest they be held in the port by the wind (Libro Diario, pp. 114-115). 58 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 days, until the eve of the feast of the glorious San Juan Bap- tista,1 when, being desirous of going forward, we that night set sail the third time ; but after sailing five days, during which we struggled as best we could, we were driven back with much force to the same bay and cape, where we remained until July 5. Then, with a favoring land breeze, we set sail in con- tinuation of our voyage. A council being held, the long-boat was left in a pool of fresh water, with the concurrence of all, since it was the opinion that it would be lost and would give the captain's ship much trouble in towing it astern, and that it was not fit to sail because of the heavy seas on the coast. Chapter 6. The Departure from the Cape of San Lucas and the Arrival at Santa Maria Madalena. We set out from the said cape and bay of San Bernabe on July 5, as has been said, and after going two leagues out to sea, sailing with a strong wind, we met with a moderate head-wind, and, tacking against it, sailed with great difficulty. After six days we sighted some high, broken mountains, to which we drew near in order to see whether there was any port there, and whether we could find the frigate, which had parted com- pany the day after we left the said bay. On the 18th of the said month, the day of Samcta Marina, we discovered a bay2 and tried to enter it. Being near land we found soundings of six fathoms. The tide turned, and for this reason and because it was night, we stood off shore. In the morning we saw that it was a wild coast which showed no safe harbor. We coasted along till the 19th day of said month, when we came upon an inlet, outside of which we remained with lowered sails to await the admirars ship, which was three leagues to the leeward. The next morning we could not see her, and we continued 1 June 24. 2 Santa Marina Bay, lat. 24° 20' ; "Bahfa enganossa de Santa Marina" (Derrotero, p. 157) ; Cabrillo's Puerto de la Trinidad (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 164) ; shown on the Pianos, fol. 66. Near this bay the charts show and the Derrotero mentions the point of the Sierra de Santa Margarita, evidently Ca- brillo's Punta de la Trinidad (Derrotero, p. 157 ; Early Voyages, p. 164). 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 59 our voyage and entered a very large bay, which was named the Bay of Madalena.1 The general ordered Ensign Juan Fran- cisco to go on shore and explore it, and to send four arque- busiers to a point made by the bay, and two others to2 a high hill, with orders to make smoke signals to the admirars ship, thereby to let her know that we were there. Although this was done, and the men of the admiral's ship saw the smoke signals, they did not understand them out at sea. The chief pilot, Francisco de Bolanos, set out in the boat, making every effort to reach the admirars ship, but he could not do so be- cause the wind freshened. The chief pilot returned, and this day, which was the feast of the Magdalene, mass was said on land. The following day the general agreed that the bay should be mapped, and the land and its people examined ; that the cosmographer should sound it and map it; and that Ensign Pascual de Alarcon, with twenty arquebusiers, should explore the land, find out who the people were, and search for water, of which the captain's ship had great need. They set out upon this undertaking and went twelve leagues about the bay, but did not find water to any consider- able amount, although between two hills, half a league from the beach, a pool was found where in the rainy season the water collects. It was not very fresh and was green, but the bottles we carried were filled with it. A great number of Indians came to the ensign in different places, with their bows, arrows, and small, fire-hardened darts, although they were friendly, for they gave up their arms as a sign of peace. They are a 1 Magdalena Bay, lat. 24° 32' ; the Puerto de San Pedro of Cabrillo. Shown on the Pianos, fol. 68. Described in Explication, vista 10. The Derrotero says : "This Sierra is called Santa Margarita, and between the point which it makes toward the northeast and the coast behind it it forms a bar, within the Ensenada Emganossa de Santa Marina. There are inside of said bar a port and anchorage, the entry being five fathoms at least ; and within there is great depth. It com- municates with La Vaya de la Madalena. From the southeast point of the Sierra de Santa Margarita, as they call the very point, to the said bar of Santa Marina, it is four leagues" (Derrotero, p. 157). Torquemada (Monorchia Indiana, I. 700), says that the flagship entered Magdalena Bay, but that her con- sort did not enter on account of the fogs ; and that mass was said ashore on Santa Magdalena's day, hence the name given the bay. See Early Voyages, p. 165. 2 In the text d is corrupted into 6. 60 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 well featured and robust race, though naked and living in rancherias. Their food is commonly of fish and maize, for there are great quantities of fish of many kinds. They fish with enclosures of sticks, catching in this way many mussels and shell fish. There are many whales, which are sometimes stranded on the beach of this bay, for we found many of their bones. Thursday, the 25th of the said month, the frigate arrived, which gave much pleasure to all the men. Ensign Sebastian Melendes reported that on account of the strong wind he had returned to take shelter at Cape San Lucas five days after he had put out to sea. They had improved the time while there in caulking the hatchways. Moreover, they said that they had entered the Bay of Santa Marina, which has been men- tioned above, and that at the end of it they had found a very good port, where many Indians came out to them, like the others, and in sign of peace gave them their arms, which are arrows and small wooden darts, which they also use for fishing. The next day after the frigate had arrived, there being a lack of water, Ensign Pasqual de Alarcon went in it, with the boat of the captain's ship, to the pool whence the green water had been brought before, but he secured only seventy bottles ; and al- though they made great efforts, no other fresh water was found. This land is very dry and on the side of the mainland is very flat, the greater part consisting of sand dunes and the rest being sparsely wooded. During the dry season the Indians drink brackish water from waterholes which they make near the salt water. Seeing that there was no water here and that time was passing, it was agreed to set sail on Saturday, the 27th of the month. As we sailed out this day from the entrance of the bay the wind went down, and the tide, setting in, forced us to anchor. At midnight we stood out with a land breeze, the boat in tow, and on Sunday at nine o'clock, when four leagues out at sea, we came up with the frigate. The general ordered a rope given it so that it might be towed astern and not become separated again from the captain's ship. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 61 Chapter 7. The Arrival at and Departure from the Bay of Madalena and the Voyage to the Port of San Bartolome. We set out, as has been said, on Sunday, with favorable wind, on our way to the island of Serros. Some five leagues from land we discovered the entrance of another large bay,1 which we attempted to go into in order to protect ourselves from the northwest wind. At its entrance, on the point toward the northwest, there were some shoals which extended out as far as the middle of the mouth of the bay. Having arrived off these, we were obliged to stand away to sea and continue our voyage. This bay was named Santa Marta. Tacking back and forth, on Tuesday, the 30th of the said month, we discovered a bay,2 and in the middle of it what appeared to be a river or port. The general ordered the cosmographer to go in the frigate to examine it and take soundings and bring back a report of what was there. He did so, and as he drew near with the frigate the breakers were rolling in on all sides. As it was of no importance he returned to the captain's ship, and the general bade him come aboard. We continued our voyage, skirting along this coast because of our great need of water, and at the end of it we saw another large bay3 and two leagues of land near it. The general or- 1 Santa Maria Bay, lat. 24° 44' ; the Bahia de San Martin of Cabrillo {Early Voyages, p. 165). The Derrotero, p. 159, notes Punta de San Lacaro two leagues above Ensenada de Santa Marta. This is now Cape San Lazaro, lat. 24° 48' {Early Voyages, p. 166). See Pianos, fol. 69; Explication, vista 11. 2Torquemada {Monarchia Indiana, I. 701) says: "This place or inlet called San Christoval had been surveyed by the admiral's ship. . . . The inlet was named San Christoval because it was surveyed on the anniversary of that saint." In this inlet is the entrance of Boca de San Domingo, lat. 25° 21'. The south- ern end of the lagoon heads in Magdalena Bay {Early Voyages, p. 167). The Pianos, fol. 71, show two "ensenadas" above the "ensenada larga" where the Carta shows only one. The Bay of San Christoval may have been one of these. 3 Torquemada (I. 701) states that on the night of July 30 they reached Bahia de las Ballenas, seeing, just before reaching it, "another large bay," which they could not enter for the shoals. See Early Voyages, p. 169. Bahia de las Ballenas is Ballenas Bay, in lat. 26° 45', and the Puerto de Santiago of Cabrillo. Bahia de las Ballenas had already been explored by the Santo Tomds before the San Pedro reached it ; it was given the name from the multitude of whales seen 62 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 dered the launch sent ahead to take soundings and find out whether it had a harbor, so that the captain's ship could anchor and search for water.1 When he came near land he found a reef more than three leagues long, with breakers throughout its length. Seeing, therefore, that there was no entrance to it, he made the accustomed signal, and we steered out to sea, continuing our voyage with great thirst, and with difficulty on account of head-winds. On the 8th of the month of August of the said year we ar- rived at a headland which seemed to us a suitable place for casting anchor; and there, with the boats of the captain's ship and the frigate, we anchored. On inspection the coast was seen to be very wild, without a sign of a river or port. As we had anchored where the southeast wind was onshore, at midnight of this day the general ordered us to set sail in continuation of our voyage. The next day the headland2 was rounded, though with difficulty, for out at sea, two leagues from it, we discovered some shoals, to which we gave the name of Los Abreojos.3 Having rounded these, we tacked back and forth along the coast in search of the island of Serros. On the 11th and 12th of the said month a strong northwest wind struck us, which made us lower the mainsails, there being a heavy sea. That night the wind went down and we veered toward land ; but anchorage was not found, and we therefore stood out to sea again with a favorable wind. there (Monarchia Indiana, I. 702 ; Early Voyages, pp. 168-169). The name does not appear on the Pianos or the Carta or in the vistas, but on the Pianos, fol. 73, an unnamed "ensenada" is shown. The bay reached just before Ballenas Bay- must be the one shown on the Carta as hemmed in by the " Arecifes." Mapped in the Pianos, fol. 73, and described in Explicacion, vista 14. 1 This appears to have been August 2. On that day the San Diego being in lat. 26)4°, and about two leagues from the shore, near what seemed to be a bay or inlet, Vizcaino took the opinion of his counsellors as to whether it should be examined to search for water and wait for the Santo Tomas, which had not been seen for over fourteen days. They agreed that the launch should go in, and, if water were found, that the San Diego should follow (Libro Diario, pp. 115-116). 2 Abreojos Point; Cabrillo's Punta de Santiago (Early Voyages, p. 168). The Derrotero, p. 169, gives Punta de Abreojos in 27^°. Shown in the Pianos, fol. 74; described in Explicacion, vista 15. 3 Abreojos Rocks, off Abreojos Point, lat. 26° 46'. Vizcaino did not pass between the point and the Abreojos Rocks (Derrotero, p. 160). 1002] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 63 The following day, the feast of San Epolito, we arrived at a bay1 which had good protection from the northwest and which gave indications of having water. At nightfall a north wind blew from the land and obliged us to go outside. As it was strong and favorable, we sailed with it all that night, and at five o'clock in the afternoon of the next day, the fourteenth, eve of the feast of Our Lady of the Assumption, we found ourselves near a little island which had to the north of it an inlet, in which we found anchorage the same day at sunset. As soon as it was morning on the day of Our Lady, the general ordered Ensign Pasqual de Alarcon to embark in the boat with sailors and soldiers and go ashore. He found on the beach some Indians who were peaceful, for they pointed ' out to them several small wells of scanty, brackish water. Thereupon the ensign returned with this report, which was received with great disappointment. Because of our great need of water, and because to go for- ward without finding it would be very rash and to risk our dying of thirst, the general directed Ensign Martin to arrange to go with four soldiers and follow the coast to the windward, to another inlet, three leagues beyond this place, charging him to put forth his utmost endeavors. The said ensign re- turned at sunset the same day with the report that he had found good water and a saline a little more than two leagues from where we were anchored, which gave us all great joy. The soldiers brought some green tomatoes. The same night we set sail with a land breeze, passing round and measuring the little island, to which was given the name La Asuncion.2 About two o'clock of the same day we were off another island, some three leagues distant from the last one, to which was given the name San Roque.3 We cast 1 San Hipolito Bay, lat. 26° 58', half-way between Abreojos and Asuncion Island (Early Voyages, p. 170). Ensenada de San Hipolito on the Carta. See Pianos, fol. 75 ; Explicacion, vista 16. The feast of St. Hippolytus was August 13. 2 Asuncion Island, off Asuncion Point ; Pianos, fol. 75 ; Explicacion, vista 17. By the Santo Tomds this and San Roque Island were called Las Islas de San Roque. They were not named by either Ulloa or Cabrillo (Early Voyages, p. 170). The Derrotero, p. 161, mentions Punta de San Epolito (Asunci6n Point, lat. 27° 7'), Isla de la Asuncion, and Isla de San Roque. 3 San Roque Island, lat. 27° 814' (Early Voyages, p. 170). Shown in the Pianos, fol. 75 ; described in Explicacion, vista 17. 64 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 anchor between it and the mainland. The general ordered Ensign Alareon to embark and go ashore where Martin de Aguilar had directed. They carried pickaxes and dug wells, putting in a quarter pipe. The water that ran into it was salty, and that which overflowed it fresh, which was considered a miracle wrought by God. We got thirty quarters and two hundred bottles, although with much trouble, for there was a heavy surf on the beach, which capsized the boat several times. Some bottles were broken and our men escaped drenched, with their arquebuses in their hands; but as we were in great need of the water they did not mind working at such a risk. As the admiral's ship was missing, the general, desirous of learning about it, ordered Ensign Juan Francisco Serriano1 to go with four arquebusiers to a very high hill which was about four leagues farther on, and from there to look for the admiral's ship and see whether there was any bay ahead. The ensign went and returned the same day, saying that the ship was not in sight and that there was no bay ahead of any consequence; that he had found some rancherias of Indians, who had in their huts skins of sea-wolves, of which they were making sandals,2 and that there were many roads leading from there and indications of many people, although they did not wait for them to take some salt from the saline. Tuesday, the 20th of the said month, we set sail in con- tinuation of our voyage, although with the slack wind we ordi- narily had had up to here, and by tacking back and forth we skirted the coast till the 23rd, the eve of the feast of San Bar- tolome, when we discovered a very good port, which at first seemed to be the island of Serros. We went into it and cast anchor, and Ensign Pasqual de Alareon went ashore. Al- though efforts were made, there were found neither water nor people nor anything of consequence. Captain Geronimo Martin, cosmographer, observed the said port and said it was very good. We gave it the name of Puerto de San Barto- lome.3 1 Suriano. 2 Ca, des in the text, a misprint for cades. 3 Port San Bartolome, lat. 27° 39' ; Cabrillo's Puerto de San Pedro Vincula. Five leagues above San Roque Island, and before reaching Port San Bartolome, the Derrotero notes Morro Hermoso, still so called, lat. 27° 30' {Early Voyages, p. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 65 Chapter 8. The Departure frorfi the Port of San Bartolome and the Arrival at the Island of Serros. We left this port, as has been stated, on August 23, * at eight o'clock at night, in continuation of our voyage. Proceeding along the coast, with the wind generally slack, by tacking back and forth we arrived at some high mountains and a headland on the eve of the feast of San Agustin, the twenty-seventh of the said month. Although great efforts were made to round the headland, the weather would not permit it. It appeared that this land was an island, and that there was another to the leeward, with a large inlet between them.2 The general directed Captain Geronimo Martin to go with the frigate to explore it and take soundings, while the captain's ship re- mained out at sea. The said Captain Geronimo Martin went with great labor and difficulty because of the strong head- wind. He made land the following day, going ashore and exploring inland, and placing sentinels on the hills to see if the captain's ship was following. Saturday, the last of the said month, the wind having veered 172). See also the Carta; Pianos, fol. 76 ; Explicacion, vista 18. Torquemada (Monarchia Indiana, I. 704) states that the capitana and fragata found on the shore at San Bartolome "a resin which, because it did not have a good odor, no one wished to take. Some have supposed it to be amber, and it would not be surprising if this were so, because there were great numbers of whales there, and, as they say, this is amber. This may be true, and if so there is enough there to load a ship." See Early Voyages, p. 173. Cf. Father Ascension's diary (below, p. 116) for a statement concerning the amber (ambergris). 1 Torquemada (Monarchia Indiana, I. 704) states that the San Pedro and the tender left Port San Bartolome in the night of August 24, the day they ar- rived. See Early Voyages, p. 175. 2 Six leagues above Puerto de San Bartolome the Derrotero (p. 162) indi- cates Punta de San Eugenio in lat. 28H°, and west of this point Isla de la Nativi- dad de Nuestra Sefiora, which on approach appeared to be one with the point. The island was eight and one-half leagues around. Between the island and the point there is noted a passage of nearly three leagues (Derrotero, p. 162). Also in Pianos, fol. 77, and Explicacion, vista 19. The island was Natividad Island, lat. 27° 53'. Punta de San Eugenio is now called Point Eugenio, lat. 27° 50'. Davidson, who did not have access to the Derrotero, remarks that Point Eugenio is not described by either Cabrillo or Vizcaino (Early Voyages, p. 176). The pas- sage between the point and the island is nearly four miles wide (ibid., p. 174). 66 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 with great force to the northwest against the captain's ship, it put in at a harbor on the southeast shore;1 and having cast anchor with great anxiety because the admiral's ship and launch were missing, God deigned that the admiral's ship should sail round a headland formed by the eastern shore of the same land. This gave great pleasure to the men of both ships be- cause for forty-one days they had not seen each other. Im- mediately we sent them the shallop, and the admiral told how he had arrived here twelve days before, at a place where there was a good anchorage and water, although the latter was a league inland and was brackish. However, as there was great need for it, it seemed to all of them very good and to be near. There was a great abundance of fish. Immediately the general gave orders to sail from where they were, and to cast anchor where the admiral had said. This was done, and the two ships setting sail with the same wind, God granted that the captain's ship should make port and cast anchor, the admiral's ship remaining outside, since it was not able to come in, and in order that they might see the frigate which was to windward awaiting the captain's ship, for she had left it out at sea ; and thus it was that Captain Geronimo Martin saw her, and she understanding what the captain's ship wished, he went alongside of her, and at ten o'clock at night recognized her to be the admiral's ship. At this they were greatly pleased, and still more so when told that the cap- tain's ship was anchored further on. The next day, September 2, they reached the place where the captain's ship was, and the general ordered a council held.2 It was held, and he proposed to the members, if it were best, that Captain Geronimo Martin should go in the frigate to circumnavigate and measure this land, for there was doubt as to whether or not it was an island, as it appeared very large. It was agreed that he should go, being given eight days' time for it, and that meanwhile the captain's and admiral's ships should be provided with wood and water, Captain Peguero and Ensign Pasqual de Alarcon being put in charge of this work. 1 South Bay, on the southeast side of Cape San Agustin, Cerros Island (Early Voyages, pp. 174-175). See Pianos, fol. 78 ; Explicacion, vista 20. 2 It was held on the San Diego, in lat. 29° (Libro Diario, pp. 116-117). 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 67 Captain Geronimo Martin departed on Tuesday at two o'clock in the afternoon to carry out this undertaking. On the following day the .general, with the religious, went ashore. After mass was said, he went to the place where they were getting wood and water and saw that the water was scanty and poor, and that they were securing it only with much trouble and that the men were becoming worn out and ill. Reflecting that so large a land could not lack wood and water, that the place he was in was convenient for the ships coming from China, and that it was proper for him to investigate1 the resources of the land in order to take back a more complete report, he held a council of war regarding the matter, consist- ing of the admiral, captains, counsellors, and ensign. It was agreed that an entrance into the interior should be made; that twenty arquebusiers should go, well equipped, since in the said land there had been seen warlike men who had been impudent and who had broken twenty bottles which the men of the admiral's ship had left on land because they could not get them aboard; and that Ensign Juan Francisco and Ser- geant Miguel de Legar should go for three days, with strict injunction to treat the Indians kindly and to search for wood and water, which was our greatest necessity.2 The ensign set out with twenty men on the 3rd of the said month to make the attempt, and at the end of two days he returned, reporting that the country was very rough ; that on the slope of a great mountain range there was a large forest of pines ; and that two leagues beyond the place where they were anchored, on the very shore of the sea, there was a stream of fresh spring water which issued from some clumps of rushes and which was plentiful and good. Upon hearing the good news the general ordered them to weigh anchor immediately, and within two hours the watering place was reached,3 where anchor was cast. Thursday afternoon, the 5th of the said month, a landing was made. A pipe of the forge-bellows was 1 The text reads "sta uiesse," evidently a misprint for "sse uiesse." 2 Libro Diario, p. 118. The reason given for sending Juan Francisco and Miguel de Lagar (sic) was that Peguero and Alarcon were occupied in preparing the ships for the voyage. 3 The Derrotero gives a full description of Cerros Island, pp. 162-163. See Early Voyages, p. 174 ; the Pianos, fol. 78 ; Explication, vista 20. 68 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 carried and put into the spring, and a stream filled the pipe. Without more time or labor than putting the bottle or barrel at the pipe it was filled, and it was not two steps1 from the sea where the boats arrived. It was regarded as a miracle which God, our Lord, performed for us. Very good oak, mastic, and sabine wood were found, and a cabin was built on land wherein mass was said. Wood was taken on and the next day, Saturday, the 7th of said month, the image of Our Lady was brought forth, and was received on shore with a salute of arquebuses and musketry. The next day, Sunday, mass was sung and there was a procession. Father Fray Tomas de Aquino preached,2 and after divine services were over Captain Geronimo Martin, Father Fray Antonio de la Asemgion, and Ensign Sebastian Melendes, commander of the said frigate, reported that they had been along the land, that it was the island of Serros, and that they had measured around it for twelve leagues when a northwest wind came up and obliged them to turn back southeast to the mainland, where they went ashore, finding neither Indians nor water. They went to an island two leagues from the mainland,3 and Captain Geronimo Martin surveyed it, took soundings, and returned. Having arrived there, as has been said, the general ordered the frigate supplied with water and wood, and that it should be given canvas for a maintopsail which it needed. This was done, and immediately the general ordered a conference and sea council,4 composed of the admiral, cosmographer, pilot, and assistants, concerning the order of navigation from here to Cape Mendogino. It was agreed, besides other things which are in the book of decisions, that we should continue our voyage. Thereupon we set sail in continuation of our voyage Monday, the 9th of the said month of September. 1 The text reads possos, a misprint for passos. 2 The text reads pedrico, instead of predico. 3 From the description this seems to have been Natividad Island. 4Libro Diario, pp. 118-119. The next stage of the voyage marked off was to Isla de las Cenizas. It was agreed that the vessels should try to keep together, but in case of a storm from the north they were to return to Cerros Island or some port above it to wait eight days, or, in case of southeast winds, to go to Cenizas Island, to wait twelve days. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 69 Chapter 9. The Departure from the Island of Serros, and the Arrival at the Island of San Gerdnimo. Monday, the 9th of the said month of September, we set sail from the island of Serros in continuation of our voyage, and Wednesday, the 11th of the said month, we sighted the mainland toward the north-northeast. Skirting along the coast in search of some bay and port for shelter from the north- west wind, it being that which troubled us, on Friday, the 13th, we discovered an inlet sheltered from the said northwest wind. It was entered, the captain's and admiral's ships and the frig- ate cast anchor, and Ensign Pascual de Alarcon, with twenty men, went on shore. They took the net and caught a quan- tity of white fish, like that of Mechoacan, and of sole, both very good. On land a very broad and long road was found leading to the beach.1 Not to lose time, we set sail the same night, following along the coast. On the beach the Indians signalled to us by great columns of smoke both day and night, from which we inferred that there were many Indians. Sunday, the 15th, we sighted the very conspicuous,2 cliff- like, white sandstone cape of Samta Maria.3 It seemed best 1 The Derrotero, the Carta, the Pianos, fol. 79, and the Explication, vista 21, all mention two bays here three leagues apart. The westernmost was called Ensenada del Pescado Blanco, which seems to have been Blanco Bay, lat. 29° 4', the other being La Playa Maria Bay, lat. 28° 55'. Torquemada (Monarchia Indiana, I. 706) calls the easternmost bay San Hipolito and the westernmost San Cosme y San Damian, which Davidson identifies as La Playa Maria Bay and Blanco Bay. From the circumstances mentioned by Torquemada, his San Hipolito Bay seems to be Ensenada del Pescado Blanco. Neither the Carta, the Pianos, the Vistas, nor the Derrotero mentions a Bay of San Hipolito here. See Early Voyages, p. 178. 2 The text reads: "Descubrimos un cauo tajado muy conocido de barrial bianco de Samta Maria." This is ambiguous, for muy conocido may mean either "conspicuous" or "very well known." 3 Apparently Point Canoas, lat. 29° 25', the Punta del Mai Abrigo of Ca- brillo. The Derrotero, p. 164, calls it El Cavo Blamco de Samta Marfa, gives the latitude as 30J/£° scant, and locates it five leagues southeast of the Ensenada of San Francisco, which in turn is given as nine leagues from Cavo Bajo y Ysla de San Geronimo. The distance from San Geronimo Island corresponds with that of Point Canoas, which is thirteen leagues from San Ger6nimo Island. 70 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 to go to it in the frigate in order to survey it and take its bear- ings and altitude, since it is very important for the ships that may go to the Philippines, for, having sighted it, they may hold their course to the island of Serros. Therefore the general ordered the frigate to come up alongside, whereupon the cos- mographer, Captain Geronimo Martin, went aboard. On Monday, the 17th1 of the month, he set out to make this at- tempt. The next day, Tuesday, there came up a very strong northwest wind, with much fog, so that the ships could not see one another. At six o'clock in the afternoon of this day the captain's and admiral's ships agreed to lie by until dawn the next day, Wednesday. This day they resolved to put in at the Bay of Pescado Blanco previously mentioned,2 because the admiral's ship, being old, could not withstand it. While coasting along shore it grew dark before they reached the bay, and for this reason they did not enter, but stood out to sea. The same night the wind went down, whereupon we turned back in continuation of our voyage, and Friday and Saturday we reached the place where we had put in before. Sunday evening, the 20th,3 the eve of the feast of the Apostle San Mateo, the wind again became heavy, though not so strong, with the same threatening weather. That night the admiral's ship parted company, and although attempts to find her were made for two days, searching back and forth, she was not to be seen. It was thought she had put into the Bay of Pescado Blanco. The captain's ship went hugging the land in search of the frigate, which had been missing for eight days, and on Sunday, the 29th of the month, we discovered her, which caused no little satisfaction, great pleasure to the general, and joy to all, for we had been feeling great anxiety and fear lest she had met with some accident during the past storm. Captain Geronimo Martin came aboard the captain's ship, the frigate putting out its canoe to bring him. He said that during the past storm he had put into a large bay four leagues from this 1 Evidently this should be the 16th. 2 Blanco Bay, lat. 29° 4', the Ensenada del Pescado Blanco, mentioned on p. 69, above, note 1. 3 This is evidently an error. The 20th was the eve of St. Matthew, but the 22d was Sunday. Moreover the junta held on September 30 states that the almiranta strayed on the 22d. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 71 place ; 1 that in this bay there was a great number of Indians, who came out to them in reed canoes ; 2 that during the second storm they had been under shelter of a small island, which was to leeward ; that he had turned back in search of us, and on the 28th of the month had returned to the said bay, be- cause it appeared that we were keeping to leeward, and from there he saw us at four o'clock in the afternoon ; that the cap- tain's ship was about to cast anchor, and that it had shelter from the northwest wind. As the weather was favorable the general gave orders to continue our voyage, and by tacking back and forth we found ourselves off the island where the cap- tain had been, to which was given the name San Geronimo.3 Having rounded it the northwest wind struck us with greater fury, and the general, seeing that the admiral's ship, which re- mained behind, and the frigate could not weather so great a storm at sea, decided to put into the bay which has been pre- viously mentioned. In it we, the captain's ship and the frig- ate, cast anchor October 2.4 On the beach were a number of Indians, both men and women. The general agreed with the members of the council to land, to reconnoitre, and to make a complete report of every- thing.5 Ensign Pascual de Alarcon, with twenty arquebusiers, at once embarked in the boat, the Indians awaiting them on the beach peacefully. Presents were given them, and they 1 This seems to be the b~y entered October 2, as stated below. The latter was Bahia de San Francisco. According to the Derrotero, p. 164, it was nine leagues from San Geronimo Island. The Carta and the Pianos show it, without a name, above Ensenada de Canoas. 2 De nea, i. e., de enea. Cf. Torquemada, I. 707. 3 San Geronimo Island, lat. 29° 48', the Isla de San Bernardo of Cabrillo (Early Voyages, p. 182). Pianos, fol. 80; Explicacion, vistas 22, 23. Juntas of the officers of the San Diego and the Tres Reyes were held on September 30, October 1 and 2. Finally it was agreed to land (Libro Diario, pp. 120-121). The Derrotero gives San Geronimo Island as nine leagues from Ensenada de Canoas and five from Cavo Blanco de Santa Maria, and as in lat. 30^°. The Pianos, fol. 80, show the little bay, unnamed, six leagues from San Geronimo Island and three from the Ensenada de Canoas. 4 Torquemada (Monarchia Indiana, I. 707) states that on the eve of the feast of San Francisco, October 3, they put into La Bahia de San Francisco. See Early Voyages, p. 181. 5 The junta was held October 1, unless an error has been made in dating it. See above, note 3. 72 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 were assured by signs that we were their friends and would treat them well ; thereupon Ensign Alarcon re-embarked and conveyed the news to the general. The next day, that of the blessed San Francisco/ the general went ashore, taking with him the Father Commissary and Father Fray Tomas de Aquino. Mass was said, and the same day the general ordered Ensign Juan Francisco Suriano, with four arquebusiers, to go to a very high hill more than two leagues from the beach in order from it to look for the admiral's ship, which, as has been said, remained behind. The ensign returned at eight o'clock at night, having carried out his instructions, and reported that the admiral's ship was not in sight and that on top of the hill there was a great number of Indians, both men and women, who were afraid of us. They went inland by a wide trail, followed by people. The next day, which was the day after the feast of San Francisco, the fathers said mass on land. The general and many of the men confessed and received communion. To this bay was given the name of San Francisco. It has many fish — mackerel, white sea-bass, and many other kinds, of which the soldiers caught a great number with sail-rope and small lines and bent needles and pins. We found in the rancherias of the Indians some horns larger than those of bulls and small ones like those of goats ; they say that the large ones are buffalo horns, and the Indians said by signs that there were cattle inland. This country has a good climate and is pleasant to travel in. Monday, the 7th of the said month, we set sail in continuation of our voyage. Chapter 10. Departure from the Bay of San Francisco and Arrival at that of the Eleven Thousand Virgins.2 We set sail, as has been said, from the bay of San Fran- cisco on the 9th3 of October. The next day we arrived at the island of San Geronimo, which is nine leagues from this bay. We sailed around it and took its bearings but did not cast anchor, as the weather did not permit it, for it was rough and fitful. We skirted the coast on the lookout for the island 1 St. Francis. 2 Port San Quentin. 3 A mistake for the 7th. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 73 of Senissas,1 and Saturday, the 12th of the month, we discov- ered a very large bay2 and an island toward the northwest. The general directed Ensign Sebastian Melendes and Anton Flores to go ahead in the frigate to take soundings of the bay, instructing them to give a certain sign if it were suitable for the captain's ship to enter and for us to follow. Having entered it he discovered it to be so large and good that we went in and cast anchor. Immediately there came alongside peacefully more than twenty canoes of Indian fish- ermen. We gave them some things, which they received with pleasure. They were catching fish with hooks which appeared to be thorns from some tree, and with lines of maguey, plaited and better twisted than ours. They caught fish so easily that within two hours they filled their canoes. On the 13th of the month the general, with the members of the council,3 decided to go ashore to reconnoitre and see the people there and their manner of living, and to search for water, of which we had great need. The cause of this was the quarter pipes which we carried, for as they had been made in Acapulco of old and gaping and worm-eaten staves, when we thought we had water we were without it. This caused the men much labor, and detained us somewhat on land. When Ensign Juan de Alarcon went with twelve arque- busiers to do this work he found on the beach three rancherias of Indians, with their women and children, as quiet and free from excitement as if we had had dealings with them for many days. He found water in a lagoon a league from the beach 1 There is a confusion of the names Cenizas and San Geronimo. In Tor- quemada's account they are identified, but here the name Cenizas is applied to an island north of Port San Quentin. See next note. 2 Port San Quentin, lat. 30° 24', Cabrillo's Puerto de la Posesion (Early Voyages, p. 184). It will be seen that the name San Quentin was applied by Vizcaino to a cape and bay a few leagues above the place now bearing that name. 3 According to the Libro Diario, pp. 122-123, on the 13th (ires for trese — the correction is confirmed by the diary), the San Diego being at anchor in the bay, in lat. 32° scant, it was decided in a junta to send Captain Melendez to ex- plore an estuary communicating with a lake, and Alarcon, with twenty armed men, to explore by land. Davidson says : "To the eastward of this peninsula [Cape San Quentin] there is low country, with great lagoons penetrating the land for several miles. The entrance to these lagoons is on the east side of the cape and two miles from its extremity" (Early Voyages, p. 184). The estuary is shown in the Pianos, fol. 81. 74 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 and he returned to report it. The general thought this water- ing place was too far away and that they would have to work very hard ; and that since toward the northwest shore an en- trance like a river or estuary had been discovered, in order to find out what it was Ensign Melendes should go to reconnoitre it. He did so, and brought back the report that it was an estuary which came from a large lagoon in the interior of the country, and that it had anchorage in it for the captain's ship. We set sail immediately and within two hours cast anchor in it. The general, his son, and Captain Geronimo Martin went ashore to explore it, together with Ensign Juan Francisco Suri- ano, Sebastian Melendez, Martin de Aguiar Galeote, and some soldiers, leaving Ensign Alarcon in his place on board the flagship. We went more than four leagues along the beach in search of water but did not find any. We found in the woods a large number of hares. The chief pilot, Francisco de Bolanos, en- tered the estuary above-mentioned with the boat. On taking soundings he found a good depth, but the current was so strong by reason of the high tide that it whirled the ships around like a millrace. The chief pilot and the pilots seeing this, and that our vessels were not very secure, we set sail from there, and the general directed that we should return to the place where we were before. There he went ashore with Ensign Alarcon, and with the men and the picks, leaving in his place Captain Geronimo Martin. They made wells near the beach, in a patch of rushes, and found so much good water that there was enough for a squadron. The men were happy at hearing this news, and the next day the general and the religious went ashore. Mass was said, and some Indians came and listened to it with great attention, as if exalted. They were told by signs, in answer to their questions, that it had to do with heaven ; and the said Indians bowed their heads, kissed the cross, and said the prayers and all the words we told them in our language. The general gave food to the Indians at his table, and they said by signs that there were many Indians inland who shot them with arrows, and that we should go with them. They wore in the Mexican fashion lilmas made of skins of animals, with a knot on the right shoul- der, leather sandals, and strings of cotton fibre. Their food 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 75 was generally mascale, for there are quantities of maguey. This place is very pleasant, for it has a large valley surrounded by lagoons in which are many fish, ducks, and heron, and a grove with hares and deer. The climate of the land is the best in the world, for the night dews last until ten o'clock in the fore- noon. We gave orders to take on water, although it was difficult, owing to the heavy surf on the beach, which flooded the boats. Thursday, the 17th of the month, the general embarked at sunset, though with much trouble and with drenchings, the canoe being flooded when leaving. That night a south wind came up, with a heavy sea oblique to the place where we were — which was in a depth of six fathoms — while near us were the breakers. Seeing our great danger, and that if the wind increased it would drive us on the coast, the general consulted with the cosmographer, chief pilot, his assistant, and experi- enced seamen as to what should be done to escape the peril which we were in and it was agreed that in the morning we should sail, because at present the fog was so thick that we could not see each other. Accordingly at daybreak we set sail, leaving the anchor and cable to be raised by hand, and with no little effort on the part of the chief pilot, his assistant, and the rest of the crew we went outside, leaving on shore Pasqual de Alarcon, the Father Commissary, Father Fray Tomas de Aquino, Ensigns MeJendes and Aguilar, the commander of the squadron, Antonio Luis, and more than forty soldiers, leaving them without food or powder and with only a few ropes. This was what gave the general the most anxiety; however, he remedied the situation by directing the pilot, Anton Flores, to go with the frigate into the estuary, and with the canoe into the lagoon, to aid the men. He did so with great care and no little work, and we at sunset found our- selves off the entrance of the bay. The wind went down, and although there was a heavy sea we cast anchor.1 The next day at dawn the general ordered the boatswain, 1 On October 19, when at anchor at a large ensenada, in 32° scant, a junta was held. It recited that a storm had arisen from the south-southeast, and that it had been necessary to leave the bay to save the ship. But a number of men and a valuable anchor and the best cable had been left inside. It was decided therefore to send the capitana into a near-by inlet, while the fragata went inside for the men and the anchor (Libro Diario, pp. 123-124). 76 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 Estevan Lopez, to go with ten sailors in the boat, charging him to make every effort to bring back the men, the cable, and the anchor. The anchor was what caused anxiety for it was the best the ship had. He did this so well that at the end of three hours he had removed the anchor and cable and part of the men who were on shore, returning immediately, together with the frigate. All the troops and men embarked; and the same day, at eight o'clock at night, when all were on board, there were many embraces because those who had come from land were with those of us on shipboard, and es- pecially because the ships were safe. The next day, Sunday, with a sea breeze we set sail in the continuation of our voyage. The name of the Eleven Thousand Virgins1 was given to this bay. Chapter 11. Departure from the Bay of the Eleven Thousand Virgins and Arrival at the Port of San Diego. We sailed, as we have said, on Sunday, the 20th2 of the said month, from the Bay of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, and at dawn of the following day the general ordered a sailor to the topmast-head, from there to look for the adniiraPs ship, which was causing much anxiety, lest some misfortune should have happened to her since she had separated from us. The sailor saw a ship about six leagues out at sea, and imme- diately Ensign Sebastian Melendez was ordered to go in the frigate to inspect her, carrying orders that if she were the ad- miral's ship she should be told that we were there, and that if she were some other ship she should wait, in order to carry a package of letters to the viceroy. We also approached her, and at two o'clock in the afternoon we were all together. We recognized her to be the admiral's ship,3 which gave the great- est pleasure. After we had saluted the general asked the admiral, Father Fray Antonio, and Captain Peguero where they had taken shelter during the past storm, and whether they were in need 1 The celebrated virgins of Cologne. 2 Torquemada gives the date of sailing as the 24th. 3 They had not seen the almiranta for twenty-eight days, and had given her up for lost {Early Voyages, p. 185). 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 77 of anything. They said that they carried eight quarters of water, and that the late tempest obliged them to put into the Bay of Pescado Blanco/ but, not being very safe there, they went to Serros Island, where they remained during the storm ; and that on the 25th of the past month Ensign Juan de Azevedo Tejeda had died. This news gave great pain to the general, for he was a good soldier. After sailing forty leagues from the mainland they had discovered a large island, but the weather did not permit them to go to it.2 Seeing that the weather was so favorable the general or- dered us to continue our voyage, and, following along the coast, the next day we discovered an island some two leagues from the mainland ; we did not cast anchor at it, in order not to lose time. It was given the name of San Marcos.3 We proceeded, tacking back and forth, and on the eve of the feast of San Simon and San Judas, the 27th of the month, we being in latitude 32° scant, a strong northwest wind came up, with a heavy sea, so that the admiral's ship and the frigate could not weather it unaided. Thereupon the general, with the admiral and the members of the council,4 determined to put in at a bay5 which was nine leagues to leeward, to take shelter from the storm, and to provide the admiral's ship with water. This was done, and at sunset of the same day we cast anchor in the said bay. The next day Captain Peguero and Ensign Juan Francisco, with some soldiers, went on shore with orders to search dili- 1 Blanco Bay, lat. 29° 4'. See p. 70, above, note 2. 2 Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 182, following Venegas, describes the almi- ranta's course. 3 San Martin Island, lat. 30° 29', Cabrillo's San Agustin. Shown on the Pianos, fol. 81, and described in Explicacion, vista 23. Also called Isla de las Cenizas and Isla de San Hilario by the almiranta (Early Voyages, p. 186). "San Marcos" is clearly a misprint for "San Martin." 4 The record of the council is in Libro Diario. It states that on the 28th, the three vessels being together in lat. 32°, and about four leagues from land, a severe northwester came up. A conference was held, speaking from ship to ship, and it was agreed that since there was a prospect that the storm would last sev- eral days, and since the almiranta was greatly in need of water, they should put in at a bay seven leagues to the leeward. The account in Torquemada varies slightly from this. 6 Bahia de San Simon y Judas, or de San Quentin. See note 2, p. 73. Davidson describes the Bay of San Ramon, not shown on the Pianos, between San Martin Island and Cabo de San Simon y Judas (Early Voyages, p. 1S6). 78 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 gently for water and to treat well the Indians who were on the beach. When they arrived on the land they made wells near the sea and found plenty of good water. More than a hundred Indian warriors came to the place with their bows and arrows and with clubs for throwing. These Indians were very insolent, to the extent of drawing their bows and picking up stones to throw at us. Without taking notice of them ex- cept to make signs of peace, the captain and ensign embarked, and having come on board reported to the general what had happened. The next day Captain Peguero, Ensign Pasqual de Alarcon, and the chief pilot, Francisco Bolanos, went ashore to take water. To them the general gave orders to treat the Indians well and to deal with them with great care and prudence, espe- cially in embarking and disembarking. Arriving on land we found a multitude of Indians arrayed for battle, and although, on our part, we gave them to understand that we intended to do them no harm, but to get water, and although we gave them biscuits and other things, the Indians took no notice of what was given them; on the contrary, they tried to prevent the taking of water and to take from us the bottles and barrels. This made it necessary to fire three arquebus shots at them ; whereupon, with the noise of the powder and someone's crying at the death of some of the others, they fled with great outcries ; but at the end of two hours a multitude of Indians returned, assembling from different rancherias, holding councils among themselves, apparently, as to what they should do, and then, with arms in hand, they came toward us, who to them seemed few, with their women and children, bows and arrows. Ensign Pasqual de Alarcon went out to meet them, telling them by signs that they must be quiet, and that they should be friends. Thereupon the Indians said they would do so upon condition that we would not fire any more arquebuses at them, which appeared to them many. They gave a female dog as a hostage, and with this they went away to their rancherias very well satisfied, and we took on water. At midnight, the 30th of the month, the general ordered us to set sail. This bay was named San Simon y San Judas.1 1 Colnett Bay, east of Cape Colnett, whose lat. is 30° 59' (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 188). Called Ensenada de San Quentin by the Derrotero, p. 166. The 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 79 Skirting along the coast with much difficulty because the wind was at the prow, on November 5 we discovered two small islands at the mouth of a large bay.1 As we were entering it night came on and the wind went down, and the chief pilot told the general that he did not think it best to enter the bay that night, and so he stood out to sea, leaving it for the next day. At dawn we found ourselves at the mouth of the bay. As we were entering it a light breeze came up from the east and prevented our going in. The general consulted the admiral, captains, ensign, counsellors, and pilots as to what should be done and all were of the opinion that he should go on and not lose this wind, which was in our favor ; we therefore continued our voyage. This bay was given the name of Islas de Todos los Santos.2 On the 9th of the said month we discovered two other islands and three farallones, in latitude 33° full, a little more than two leagues from the mainland, and a very large bay. The general ordered Ensign Melendes to go ahead in the frig- ate, the captain's and admiral's ships following him. Then, while the frigate sailed along the coast of the mainland, the captain's ship went up to the islands. There was so much kelp around them in the bottom of the sea, that, although the water was fourteen fathoms deep, the kelp extended more than six fathoms above the water. The captain's ship passed over it as if it were a green meadow. Some of the kelp looked as large as gourds and was very highly colored, with fruit re- sembling very large capers and with tubes like sackbuts. These islands were given the name San Martin.3 The In- name San Quentin is now applied to Vizcaino's Bay of the Eleven Thousand Virgins (p. 72, note 2). On the Pianos, fol. 81, the cape is called San Quentin or San Simon y Judas. See Explicacion, vista 23. 1 Todos Santos Islands, off Grajero Point, whose latitude is 31° 45'. Grajero Point is Cabrillo's Cabo de la Cruz (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 190) and the Cavo de Todos Santos of the Derrotero, p. 166. Shown on the Pianos, fol. 82 ; described in Explicacion, vista 24. 2 From Torquemada it is seen that the fragata and the almiranta went in, but soon went back to follow the capitana (see Davidson, ibid., p. 191). 3 Los Coronados Islands, lat. 32° 25' ; the Islas Desiertas of Cabrillo ; op- posite La Mesa de la Cena on the Carta. Shown in Pianos, fol. S3 ; described in Explicacion, vista 25. The Derrotero (p. 167) describes the Islas de San Mar- tin as consisting of four, the largest being nearest the land. The distance from the "Puerto Bueno de San Diego" is given as six leagues to the south. 80 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 dians made so many columns of smoke on the mainland that at night it looked like a procession and in the daytime the sky was overcast. We did not land here because the coast was wild. The next day, Sunday, the 10th of the month, we arrived at a port, which must be the best to be found in all the South Sea, for, besides being protected on all sides and having good anchorage,1 it is in latitude 33J^°. It has very good wood and water, many fish of all kinds, many of which we caught with seine and hooks. On land there is much game, such as rabbits, hares, deer, very large quail, royal ducks, thrushes, and many other birds. On the 12th of the said month,2 which was the day of the glorious San Diego, the general, admiral, religious, captains, ensigns, and almost all the men went on shore. A hut was built and mass was said in celebration of the feast of Senor San Diego. When it was over the general called a council to consider what was to be done in this port, in order to get through quickly. It was decided that the admiral, with the chief pilot, the pilots, the masters, calkers, and seamen should scour the ships, giving them a good cleaning, which they greatly needed, and that Captain Peguero, Ensign Alarcon, and Ensign Martin de Aguilar should each attend to getting water for his ship, while Ensign Juan Francisco, and Sergeant Miguel de Lagar, with the carpenters, should provide wood. 1 San Diego Bay. The end of Point Loma is near lat. 32° 40' (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 192). This is Cabrillo's Puerto de San Miguel. Shown in Pianos, fol. 83 ; described in Explicacion, vista 25. The Derrotero calls it the "Good port of San Diego," and says: "The tides are like those at Sanlucar, Spain, because the port within is large and good, sheltered on all sides. No sea enters it. There is wood, and water, though salty, and to get it wells were dug to the east of the entry near the beach. Likewise, at a stone's throw there are plentiful fish, both of net and line. There are numerous Indians, with bows and arrows, good people desirous of dealing with the Spaniards. This port is in lat. 33^°" (p. 167). 2 On the 11th, the San Diego being at anchor in the bay in 34° scant, Viz- caino called a junta de mar y guerra, and stated that the harbor seemed good and in a latitude suitable for a port for the Philippine vessels, and for other pur- poses of his Majesty. It was decided to send Bolafios in the Tres Reyes to sound the bay and its inlets and rivers, and to find a place for cleaning the snail-covered vessels, and for getting wood, water, and fish (Libro Diario, pp. 125-126). It would appear that the 12th of the diary should be the 11th. The feast of San Diego was November 13. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 81 When this had all been agreed upon, a hundred Indians appeared on a hill with bows and arrows and with many feathers on their heads, yelling noisily at us. The general or- dered Ensign Juan Francisco to go to them with four arque- busiers, Father Fray Antonio following him in order to win their friendship. The ensign was instructed that if the In- dians fled he should let them go, but that if they waited he should regale them. The Indians waited, albeit with some fear. The ensign and soldiers returned, and the general, his son, and the admiral went toward the Indians. The Indians seeing this, two men and two women came down from a hill. They having reached the general, and the Indian women weeping, he cajoled and embraced them, giving them some things. Reassuring the others by signs, they descended peace- fully, whereupon they were given presents. The net was cast and fish were given them. Whereupon the Indians became more confident and went to their rancherias and we to our ships to attend to our affairs. Friday, the 15th of the month, the general went aboard the frigate, taking with him his son, Father Fray Antonio, the chief pilot, and fifteen arquebusiers, to go and take the sound- ings of a large bay which entered the land. He did not take the cosmographer with him, as he was ill and occupied with the papers of the voyage. That night, rowing with the flood tide, he got under way and at dawn he was six leagues within the bay, which he found to be the best, large enough for all kinds of vessels, more secure than at the anchorage, and better for careening the ships, for they could be placed high and dry during the flood tide and taken down at the ebb tide, even if they were of a thousand tons. I do not place in this report the sailing directions, descrip- tions of the land, or soundings, because the cosmographer and pilots are keeping an itinerary in conformity with the art of navigation. In this bay the general, with his men, went ashore. After they had gone more than three leagues along it a number of Indians appeared with their bows and arrows, and although signs of peace were made to them, they did not dare to ap- proach, excepting a very old Indian woman who appeared to be more than one hundred and fifty years old and who ap- 82 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 proached weeping. The general cajoled her and gave her some beads and something to eat. This Indian woman, from extreme age, had wrinkles on her belly which looked like a blacksmith's bellows, and the navel protruded bigger than a gourd. Seeing this kind treatment the Indians came peaceably and took us to their rancherias, where they were gathering their crops and where they had made their paresos of seeds like flax. They had pots in which they cooked their food, and the women were dressed in skins of animals. The general would not allow any soldier to enter their rancherias; and, it being already late, he returned to the frigate, many Indians accompanying him to the beach. Saturday night he reached the captain's ship, which was ready; wood, water, and fish were brought on board, and on Wednesday, the 20th of the said month, we set sail. I do not state, lest I should be tiresome, how many times the Indians came to our camps with skins of martens and other things. Until the next day, when we set sail, they re- mained on the beach shouting. This port was given the name of San Diego. Chapter 12. Departure from the Port of San Diego and Arrival at the Island of Santa Catalina. We left the port of San Diego, as has been said, on a Wednesday, the 20th of the said month,1 and the same day the general ordered Ensign Sebastian Melendes to go ahead with the frigate to examine a bay which was to windward some four leagues,2 and directed that the pilot should sound it, map it, 1 On November 19 a junta was held to draw up sailing orders. It was agreed that in case of any vessel's being driven by head-winds before finding an- other port, it was to return to the Bay of San Diego ; if driven by a southwest wind it was to run with it to 38° or a little above, where there was said to be an island, there to wait eight days, making signals ; at the end of that time, if still alone, it should continue to Cape Mendocino (Libro Diario, pp. 126-127). 2 Apparently False Bay, just north of San Diego Bay, shown as "Ensenada de baxa entrada." It is described by the Derrotero, pp. 167-168, as being a large bay two leagues above the entry of San Diego Bay. It is added that it is shallow at the entry but deep inside, and that it has a great grove of trees on the east shore. From the bay to the Punta de la Arboleda the distance is given as ten leagues ; from here to the Ysla y Ensenada de Buena Gente, fifteen leagues ; thence to the Ysla de Samta Catalina, eight leagues, southwest. According to 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 83 and find out what was there. He did so, and the next day ordered the return to the captain's ship. He reported to the general that he had entered the said bay, that it was a good port, although it had at its entrance a bar of little more than two fathoms depth, and that there was a very large grove at an estuary which extended into the land, and many Indians: and that he had not gone ashore. Thereupon we continued our voyage, skirting along the coast until the 24th of the month, which was the eve of the feast of the glorious Samta Catalina,1 when we discovered three large islands.2 We ap- proached them with difficulty because of a head-wind, and arrived at the middle one, which is more than twenty-five leagues around. On the 27th of the month, and before casting anchor in a very good cove3 which was found, a multitude of Indians came out in canoes of cedar and pine, made of planks very well joined and calked, each one with eight oars and with fourteen or fifteen Indians, who looked like galley-slaves. They came alongside without the least fear and came on board our ships, mooring their own. They showed great pleasure at seeing us, telling us by signs that we must land, and guiding us like pilots to the anchorage. The general received them kindly and gave them some presents, especially to the boys. We anchored, and the admiral, Ensign Alarcon, Father Fray An- tonio, and Captain Peguero, with some soldiers, went ashore. Many Indians were on the beach, and the women treated us to roasted sardines and a small fruit like sweet potatoes.4 this, Punta de Arboleda would be about at modern Encinitas, although in the Pianos, fol. 84, Punta de Arboleda is shown about half-way from San Diego Bay to San Pedro Bay. Torquemada mentions a bay a few leagues before reaching Santa Catalina Island, which Davidson identifies with San Pedro Bay (Davidson, Early Voyages, pp. 194-195), but it is clear that the one entered by Melendez on the 21st was not so far north. I judge, therefore, that Davidson is in error in his identification. 1 St. Catherine. 2 The three shown on the Pianos are the Santa Catalina, the Santa Barbara, and the San Nicolas, but we know that the San Clemente was also described. 3 On Santa Catalina Island : the San Salvador of Cabrillo. 4 Santa Catalina Island is shown on the Pianos, fol. 84. From this map, together with the diary and the Derrotero, it is clear that the first anchorage was near the middle of the eastern coast. The port near the pueblo is called Puerto de Santa Catalina. The Derrotero (p. 168) describes the island. 84 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 Fresh water was found, although a long distance from the beach. The next day the general and the Father Commissary went ashore, a hut was built, and mass was said. More than one hundred and fifty Indian men and women were present, and they marvelled not a little at seeing the altar and the image of our Lord Jesus crucified, and listened attentively to the saying of mass, asking by signs what it was about. They were told that it was about heaven, whereat they marvelled more. When the divine service was ended the general went to their houses, where the women took him by the hand and led him inside, giving him some of the food which they had given before. He brought to the ship six Indian girls from eight to ten years old, whom their mothers willingly gave him, and he clothed them with chemises, petticoats, and necklaces, and sent them ashore. The rest of the women, seeing this, came with their daughters in canoes, asking for gifts. The result was that no one returned empty-handed. The people go dressed in seal skins, the women especially covering their loins, and their faces show them to be modest ; but the men are thieves, for anything they saw unguarded they took. They are a people given to trade and traffic and are fond of barter, for in return for old clothes they would give the soldiers skins, shells, nets, thread, and very well twisted ropes, these in great quantities and resembling linen. They have dogs like those in Castile. Thursday, the 28th of the said month, there was an eclipse of the moon, which commenced at a quarter past ten at night and lasted until twelve o'clock, being entirely over at one o'clock ; the eclipse commenced on the eastern edge. On the night of the eve of San Andres, the 29th of the said month, we set sail,1 for the Indians had told us by signs that farther along on this same island they had their houses and there was food. On the day of San Andres, at four o'clock 1 On November 29, the San Diego being at anchor at Santa Catalina Island in 34J/£°, a junta was held to consider circumnavigating the island and exploring the San Andres (San Clemente). It was decided not to spend the time, but to go ahead, leaving these explorations for the return, since the weather was good, the men were becoming ill, and supplies becoming short (Libro Diario, pp. 127- 128). The general therefore ordered the pilots to set sail as soon as possible. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 85 in the afternoon, we arrived at the place which the Indians had designated, they piloting us in their canoes into the port/ which is all that could be desired as to convenience and secu- rity. On the beach there was a pueblo and more than three hundred Indians, men, women and children. The general and Ensign Alarcon went ashore and inspected it. The next day the general and many of the rest of us went ashore. The Indian men and women embraced him and took him to their houses. These women have good features. The gen- eral gave them beads and regaled them, and they gave him prickly pears and a grain like the gofio of the Canary Islands, in some willow baskets very well made, and water in vessels resembling flasks, which were like rattan inside and very thickly varnished outside. They had acorns and some very large skins, apparently of bears, with heavy fur, which they used for blankets. The general went inland to see the opposite coast. He found on the way a level prairie, very well cleared, where the Indians were assembled to worship an idol which was there.2 It resembled a demon, having two horns, no head, a dog at its feet, and many children painted all around it. The Indians told the general not to go near it, but he approached it and saw the whole thing, and made a cross, and placed the name of Jesus on the head of the demon, telling the Indians that that was good, and from heaven, but that the idol was the devil. At this the Indians marvelled, and they will readily renounce it and receive our Holy Faith, for apparently they have good intellects and are friendly and desirous of our friendship. The general returned to the pueblo, and an In- dian woman brought him two pieces of figured China silk, in fragments, telling him that they had got them from people like ourselves, who had negroes ; that they had come on the ship which was driven by a strong wind to the coast and wrecked, and that it was farther on. The general endeavored to take two or three Indians with him, that they might tell him where the ship had been lost, promising to give them 1 Puerto de Santa Catalina, mentioned above. 2 On Vizcaino's chart in Burney a small dot is placed on Santa Catalina Island, to represent, Davidson thinks, the "so-called Temple of the Sun" (Burney, Voyages, II., map opp. p. 256; Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 196). 86 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 clothes. The Indians consented and went with him to the captain's ship, but as we were weighing anchor preparatory to leaving the Indians said they wished to go ahead in their canoe, and that they did not wish to go aboard the ship, fearing that we would abduct them, and the general, in order not to excite them, said: "Very well." We set sail, and on leaving the port a head-wind struck us, which prevented our going where the Indians indicated ; therefore we stood out to sea and the Indians returned to their pueblo. This attempt was given up because we did not have the launch, which had gone to reconnoitre another island,1 apparently belonging to the mainland, and because the ad- miral's ship was absent, as it could not make the said port, and because the fog was so very dense that we could not see each other, and also because there seemed to be many islands, keys, and shoals, among which, in such weather, the pilots did not dare take the flagship ; and so we continued our voyage. The next day the admiral's ship and frigate came up with us, for perhaps God willed it that we should be united. On I being asked what he had found on the island, Ensign Melendez J said that there were many Indians, who had told him by signs I that upon it there were men who were bearded and clothed like ourselves. Thinking them to be Spaniards, he sent them a note, and eight Indians came to him in a canoe, bearded and clothed in skins of animals, but they could learn nothing more. L Accordingly the general ordered that we should continue our voyage without further delay, because our men were all becom- ing ill, leaving for the return any efforts to verify what the Indians of the island of Samta Catalina had told us by signs, for, as we could not understand their language, all was con- fusion and there was little certainty as to what they said. 1 Apparently the island in San Pedro Bay called "Isla vaja de buena gente." This may have been El Moro, or Dead Man's Island. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 87 Chapter 13. The Departure from the Island of Santa Catalina and the Arrival at the Port of Monterrey. We left this said island of Sancta Catalina and port of San Andres on Sunday/ December 1st. On this day, as has been stated, we met the admiral's ship and the frigate, and, after the general had conferred with the admiral and the members of the council as to what should be done, it was agreed that we should continue our voyage, since our men were becoming ill, the cold increasing, and winter coming on, and since there were neither comforts nor medicines with which to cure the sick, and, if we should delay, the voyage could not be com- pleted.2 So we went on skirting the coast, and on Monday, the 2d of the said month, we sighted two other large islands. Pass- ing between the first and the mainland,3 a canoe came out to us with two Indian fishermen, who had a great quantity of fish, rowing so swiftly that they seemed to fly. They came alongside without saying a word to us and went twice around us with so great speed that it seemed impossible ; this finished, they came aft, bowing their heads in the way of courtesy. The general ordered that they be given a cloth, with bread. They received it, and gave in return the fish they had, without i any pay, and this done they said by signs that they wished to go. After they had gone five Indians came in another canoe, so well constructed and built that since Noah's Ark a finer and 1 Evidently San Pedro Bay, called on the charts Ensenada de San Andres. Santa Monica Bay is shown just above it as "Gran Ensenada." Torquemada says, "After taking a survey of several parts of this island, the squadron left it on the third of December, 1602." Quoted in Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 197. This does not agree with the official diary. 2 The reference seems to be to the council recorded in the Libro Diario as of November 29. See above, p. 84, note 1. 3 They were now in the Santa Barbara channel. Vizcaino's chart shows Isla de Santa Barbara (Santa Barbara Island) and Isla de San Nicolas, but he does not mention them in any of the narratives. Davidson states that Vizcaino is the first to call attention to the parallelism of these islands with the continental shore (Early Voyages, p. 200). See the Pianos, fols. 84, 85, 86, and Explicacion, vistas 26, 27, 28. 88 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 lighter vessel with timbers better made has not been seen. Four men rowed, with an old man in the centre, [singing]1 as in a mitote of the Indians of New Spain, and the others re- sponding to him. Before coming alongside they stopped and he saluted us three times, making many ceremonious gestures with his head and body, and ordering the Indians to row around. This was done so swiftly that in a moment they went around us twice and immediately came aft. Only the old man spoke, he saying by signs that we must go to his land, where they would give us much food and water, for there was a river. He gave us a flask of it which he had brought, and a willow basket of food, a sort of porridge made of acorn meal. This Indian made himself so well understood by signs that he lacked nothing but ability to speak our language. He came to say that as a pledge of the truth of what he said one of us should get into his canoe and go to his land, and that he would re- main on board ship with us as a hostage. The general, in order to test the Indian's good faith, ordered a soldier to get into the canoe, and at once the Indian came aboard our ship with great satisfaction, telling the others who were in the canoe to go ashore and prepare food for all of us. Meanwhile, as the sun was already setting, the admirars ship arrived near us, whereupon the general called a council 2 of the admiral, ensign, and pilots, to consider what should be done, since for our voyage the wind was now behind us, which had not been the case since we had left Acapulco. It was agreed that the Indians should depart, being given to understand by signs that next day we would go to their land ; but such were the efforts of this Indian to get us to go to it that as a greater inducement he said he would give to each one of us ten women to sleep with. This Indian was so intelligent that he appeared to be not a barbarian but a person of great understanding. We showed him lead, tin, and plates of silver. He sounded them with his finger and said that the silver was good but the others not. This Indian left, and the same evening the northwest wind 1 There is evidently some omission in the print. At this point Torquemada has "all singing in their language as the Indians of New Spain sing in the mitote" (Monarchia Indiana, I. 713). 2 This council is not recorded in the Libro Diario. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 89 freshened so well for us that we sailed more than fifteen leagues, but between islands and with no little anxiety and danger, since we knew not where we were going; and next morning we found ourselves hemmed in between islands and mainland. Tacking back and forward on the 4th of the said month, we were struck by a heavy northwester, with a high sea, and were obliged to take off the bonnets and run with lower sails, so that we became separated from each other. At dawn the captain's ship was near an island, in the shel- ter of which it was calm. A canoe came out with two Indians and a small boy, their eyes being painted with antimony. They asked us to go to their land ; however, there was such a heavy sea and the island presented so many shoals that we did not dare go to it, but veered out to sea, where we found the frigate. We made the usual signals to it and it came to us. When it came alongside it was agreed that we should go ahead of the frigate toward the island to see if there was any protection in which to take shelter from the wind. We did so, and on our going there the admiral's ship appeared and followed us. The launch went in between this island and another, we following it ; but it appeared to the chief pilot and pilots that it was not best to follow it, for many shoals and reefs were seen and the night was coming on, with a high sea and wind, and that we should run the risk of being lost. Therefore the general gave orders to go outside, the frigate, which had already gone between the two islands mentioned, remaining. The next day the wind went down and we skirted the coast, although with great anxiety lest some accident had be- fallen the frigate, which remained behind and did not appear. We continued our voyage, with a favorable wind, until the 12th of the said month, eve of the feast of Santa Lugia,1 when the frigate overtook us. This gave great pleasure, 1 As Davidson remarks, it is strange that Vizcaino does not mention Point Concepcion in his narrative, though he shows it on his chart (Early Voyages, p. 204). The Derrotero, however, does mention it, stating that "La Punta de la Limpia Concession is in 35^° long, and this point is low, with timber. It forms two coasts ; on that toward the east, ten leagues from said point, on the seashore, is a very large pueblo of more than two hundred houses" (Derrotero, p. 169). 90 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 especially because the ensign and the pilot said that they had gone into the interior of the said island and that there was a pueblo1 there with more than two hundred large houses, in each one of which lived more than forty Indians ; and that in the midst of it two poles were nailed together, with one above, like a gallows. More than twenty canoes came along- side the frigate, and because they were all alone they dared not stay there. In this place there are great numbers of Indians, and the mainland has signs of being thickly popu- lated. It is fertile, for it has pine groves and oaks, and a fine climate, for although it gets cold it is not so cold as to cause discomfort.2 The day of Santa Lucia,3 at four o'clock in the morning, a southeast wind struck us, the first we had had during the voyage. It lasted until sunset the next day, when we reached a place in 37° full.4 The general ordered Ensign Melendez to go ahead to explore a large bay and see if there were any port, for this country was the most important of the explora- tion for the purposes of his Majesty. This was done, and as the bay was found to be large and as night was coming on, we went outside. The said ensign entered the bay, and the next day, the 16th of the month, the frigate came alongside and the pilot told the general that he had found a good port, a sketch of which he had brought back. The general held a council5 to consider what should be done 1 This pueblo is shown on the Pianos, fol. 86. San Miguel Island (Cabri- llo's Isla de la Posesion) is given on Vizcaino's chart as Isla de Baxos. 2 The reference seems to be to the coast on the Canal de Santa Barbara. 3 St. Lucy's Day, December 13. The coast between Point Concepcion and the Bay of Monterey is described in the Derrotero, p. 169. 4 Monterey harbor, lat. 36° 31', now discovered for the first time. It was so named in honor of the ruling viceroy, Gaspar de Zufiiga y Acevedo, Conde de Monterey. Shown on Pianos, fol. 88 ; described in Explicacion, vista 29 ; Der- rotero, p. 169. Davidson says that Vizcaino applied the name only to the south- east angle of the bay, where the city of Monterey now is (Early Voyages, p. 214). The Pianos, fol. 88, show Puerto de Monterrey swinging round to a headland about opposite Punta de Pinos, and then another large bight curving clear around to Punta de Afio Nuevo, and not showing the convex curve of the coast from Santa Cruz nearly to Point Afio Nuevo. 6 The Libro Diario records the council of December 16. The day before, Melendez and Flores had been sent in the fragata to examine the Bay of Mon- terey ; returning, Flores had boarded the San Diego bearing a map of the bay. 1602] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 91 and it was agreed that they should put in at the said port, provide themselves with water, and restore the men and the sick, of whom there were many. We arrived this day at seven o'clock in the evening and cast anchor. Chapter 14. The Arrival at the Port of Monterey, and the Decision made there to despatch the Admiral's Ship with Reports to New Spain; and to continue with the Captain's Ship and the Frigate to Cape Mendocino. We arrived, as has been said, at this port of Monterey, on the 16th of the said month of December, at seven o'clock in the evening. The next day the general ordered Ensign Alarcon to go ashore, with orders to make a hut where mass could be said and to see if there was water, and what the country was like. He found that there was fresh water, and a great oak1 near the shore, where he made the hut and arbor2 to say mass. The general, commissary, admiral, captains, ensign, and the rest of the men landed at once ; and mass hav- ing been said and the day having cleared, there having been much fog, we found ourselves to be in the best port that could be desired, for besides being sheltered from all the winds, it has many pines for masts and vards, and live oaks and white oaks, and water in great quantity, all near the shore.3 The land is fertile, with a climate and soil like those of Castile; there is much wild game, such as harts, like young bulls, deer, buffalo, very large bears, rabbits, hares, and many other animals Since it seemed promising as a port for the Philippine ships, and as it appeared to have fresh water, for lack of which the men were ill, it was decided to go in, explore, and seek water. There was one dissenting voice, that of Alarcon. He advised going on to the bay where Cermefio had been wrecked (Drake's Bay) and where Bolanos said there was water, he having been with Cermefio. Vizcaino yielded to the majority, and gave orders to enter Monterey Bay (Libro Diario, pp. 128-129). 1 Until recently an oak stood in Monterey which, according to tradition, was the tree under which mass was said in 1602. The spot is now marked by a cross. 2 Recado for ramada. 3 The bay is well protected from southeast storms, but little from those from the northwest. Davidson states that Vizcaino greatly overpraised the harbor, and thereby misled Costanso, later (Early Voyages, p. 212). 92 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 and many game birds, such as geese, partridges, quail, crane, ducks, vultures, and many other kinds of birds which I will not mention lest it be wearisome. The land is thickly popu- lated with numberless Indians, of whom a great many came several times to our camp. They appeared to be a gentle and peaceable people. They said by signs that inland there are many settlements. The food which these Indians most commonly eat, besides fish and crustaceans, consists of acorns and another nut larger than a chestnut. This is what we were able to understand from them. In view of the fact that we had so many sick, that the pilot of the admiral's ship and his assistant were very ill, that there was a shortage of sailors for going forward, and that the supplies were becoming exhausted because of the length of time we had spent in coming, it seemed to the general impossi- ble to complete the exploration this time without a new sup- ply of men and provisions ; and he therefore at once called a conference of the admiral and the members of the council 1 to consider what should be done for the best service of his Majesty. It was decided that the admiral's ship should re- turn as a messenger to the viceroy of New Spain with a copy of the records of the discoveries as far as this place, carry back those who were the most ill, ask for further supplies of men and provisions in order to complete at this time the explora- tion of the remainder of the coast and of the entrance to the Californias, designating the time and place to which they were to be sent; and other things which were treated of in the council and were written to the said senor viceroy ; and 1 The council was held on December 18. In it Vizcaino revealed his secret orders to explore on his way back, if there was time, the Gulf of California to 37°, two degrees more or less, and to report on the pearl-fisheries and inhabitants. This conference was the most solemn of all held, and each member gave his opin- ion separately. It was shown that already eight months had passed, and provi- sions had been brought for only eleven. Several men had died. Pilot Juan Pascual and his assistant were sick in bed, and in all forty men were ill. This number included some of the helmsmen, who were unable to steer because they were paralyzed. The sick were without suitable medicine and food. The Sa?ito Tomds was unseaworthy. Corban was continued in command of the almirante, but since Pilot Juan Pascual was ill, Manuel Sessar Cordero was sent to serve as pilot. The capitana and fragata were to await the new orders on the return at Puerto de la Paz (Libro Diario, p. 144). 1603] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 93 that we, with the captain's ship and frigate, should go on to Cape Mendocino, and farther if the weather should permit. The foregoing having been agreed upon it was at once put into execution. The admiral's ship was immediately sup- plied with wood and water ; those who were the most ill went aboard her ; and the journals, maps, relations, and itineraries were copied, which was no little work, because of the ill health of the cosmographer and the scrivener, but it was accomplished with all possible diligence, as was also the taking on of wood and water, because the men were very ill. The admiral's ship left on Sunday night at 8 o'clock, the 29th of the said month, with orders to make haste. Chapter 15. The Departure from the Port of Monterey ; What occurred after the Admiral1 s Ship had been despatched with Messages; and the Arrival at Cape Mendocino, Sunday, the 29th of the said month, the admiral's ship set out with messages, carrying those most ill, and provided with water, wood, and what was necessary to reach the port of Acapulco, the admiral carrying instructions not to put in at any port until he reached that of Acapulco ; he was especially charged with the care of the sick, and with other things which were provided in the said instructions. We ourselves re- mained, making the preparations necessary for our voyage to Cape Mendogino. The men worked under great difficulties in taking on wood and water because of the extreme cold, which was so intense that Wednesday, New Year's Day of 1603, dawned with all the mountains covered with snow and re- sembling the volcano of Mexico,1 and that the hole from which we were taking water was frozen over more than a palm in thickness, and the bottles, which had been left full over night, were all frozen so that even when turned upside- down not a drop ran out. So urgent was our situation that necessity compelled us all to act with energy, especially the general, who aided in carrying the bottles and in the other tasks, with the good support of Ensign Alarcon and Captain Popocatepetl, popularly called in the neighborhood "El Vulcan" — The Volcano. 94 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 Peguero, who, although ill, aided, while the pilots spared no efforts to forward our preparation, so that by Friday night, the 3d of the said month,1 we were all ready. This day the general, with the commissary and ten arque- busiers, went inland, toward the southeast, having heard of a copious stream that ran into the sea and of another good head- land, and in order better to see the lay of the land and its people and animals. He proceeded some three leagues when he discovered another good port, into which entered a copi- ous river2 descending from some high, snow-covered moun- tains with large pines, white and black poplars, and willows. It had an extended river bottom, and in it were many cattle as large as cows although apparently they were harts, and yet their pelts were different, for their wool dragged on the ground, and each horn was more than three yards long.3 An effort was made to kill some of them but they did not wait long enough. No people were found because, on account of the great cold, they were living in the interior. He sent Ensign Juan Francisco with four soldiers to a rancheria to see what was there ; he found it to be depopulated, and returned. The general and all the men having reached the flagship, at nightfall we raised all but one anchor, and at midnight, aided by the land breeze, we set sail.4 On leaving the harbor a northeast wind came up favorably for our voyage, so that at dawn we were more than ten leagues farther on and, al- though the wind went down, aided by the off-shore breeze we reached the bay5 where was lost the ship San Agustin, of which Sebastian Melendez Rodriguez was pilot; however, although the chief pilot recognized it, we did not stop lest we 1 January, 1603. 2 Carmel River, which empties into Carmel Bay a few miles to the south of Monterey Bay, in lat. 36° 34/ (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 212). It was given this name by the Vizcaino expedition. 3 Evidently the elk. 4 January 3, 1603. Cf. Father Ascension's statement (p. 120, below). 5 Drake's Bay, lat. 38°, where Sebastian Melendez Rodriguez Cermeno was wrecked in 1595. Davidson states that Vizcaino makes no reference to Point Ano Nuevo (Early Voyages, p. 214). It is indeed not on the chart as repro- duced by Burney, but it is on the Carta and on Pianos, fol. 88, which is reproduced in Richman, California under Spain and Mexico, opp. p. 23. On this Piano the island southeast of Los Frayles is called Isleo Hendido. El Morro de los Reyes is of course Point Reyes, and Puerto de Don Gaspar is Reyes Bay, or Drake's Bay. 1603] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 95 should not have another favorable wind;1 but the next day an exceedingly strong northwest wind struck us, which obliged us to seek shelter in it. We cast anchor, although outside, with the intention of going ashore next day,2 but at daybreak the offshore wind struck us and obliged us to set sail. As we were sailing, two canoes, with an Indian in each, came out from the bay calling to us to come to the port, and saying they were awaiting us.3 They dared not come to the ship, and conse- quently we left them, in order not to lose time. For it was not well to lose any, since the men were very ill, the cold was increasing, and the frigate did not appear, because in the re- cent northwest wind it had parted company. Aided by favoring land breezes, we skirted the coast until the 12th of the said month, when the moon was in conjunction, and we found ourselves to be off Cape Mendocino,4 so greatly desired by all, for it was reached with so much toil and diffi- culty. And in order that our labors should be more highly esteemed, God willed that the new moon of January should be- gin with so furious a south wind, together with so much rain and fog, as to throw us into great doubt whether to go forward or to turn back, for it was as dark in the daytime as at night. The seas were very high, so that we could neither run nor lie by at sea. All the men had fallen sick, so that there were only two sailors who could climb to the mamtopsail. In view of the great straits and the doubt which we were in, 1 It will be seen from the note next below that according to the diary the wind shifted on the 8th and not on the 7th. 2 From the Libro Diario we learn that on January 9, the San Diego being in 39°, a council was held. According to the record, at sunset of the day before a strong southwester arose ; all night they had sailed with the lower sails, trying without avail to make headway, because the men were too ill to manage the vessel. It was decided, therefore, to take refuge in a port two leagues to the leeward, sheltered from the north, where Bolafios said he had been with Cer- meno in the San Agustin (Libro Diario, pp. 139-140). 3 The text is corrupted here. 4 Lat. 40° 27'. The Derrotero, p. 170, describes Cape Mendocino, and locates it in latitude 413^°, or 53' too far north. See Pianos, fol. 91 ; Explicacion, vistas 32, 33. The bay and river just below Cape Mendocino were evidently inserted in the Carta, on Pianos, fol. 91, and in the diary, on the basis of the re- ports of the voyage of the Tres Reyes and not of the San Diego, as will appear later on. The Derrotero says nothing about them in the original description of the Cape Mendocino region. See Derrotero, p. 170. 96 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 the general called a council 1 of the captains, the pilots, and their assistants to consider what should be done for the best interest of his Majesty. It was decided that it would not be best to go forward as there were no men for it, it was very cold, the rains were increasing and winter coming on all at once, and if we were to go on we should all perish. With this decision, the general ordered that when the weather should permit we should return to Cape San Lucas. The next day the wind calmed and the sun shone, so that the pilots were able to take the latitude,2 and they found them- selves to be in forty-one degrees. Although it had been decided that we should turn back, a wind storm came up from the south- east which made us very cold. Worse than this, on the day of San Anton, the 17th of the said month, at eight o'clock at night, when lying by at sea, the ship was struck by two seas which made it pitch so much that it was thought the keel was standing on end, and that it was even sinking. The pitching was so violent that it threw both sick and well from their beds and the general from his. He struck upon some boxes and broke his ribs with the heavy blow. This trouble continued until the 20th of the said month, the day of San Sebastian, when the storm abated and we found our- selves in 42 degrees,3 for the currents and seas were carrying us 1 This was on the 13th, the San Diego being in 41 }i°. Vizcaino stated that he had orders to reach Cape Mendocino, in 41°, and, in case the weather would permit without too great risk, to go as far as Cape Blanco, in 44° ; arrived there, if the coast did not turn east, to follow it one hundred leagues, but no further. It was decided, however, that it was perilous to continue, since there were not two men who could ascend to the maintopsail, winter was coming on, and navi- gation of the coast dangerous. Orders were given, therefore, to return to Puerto de la Paz, there to await new orders from the viceroy. Nothing was said of the Tres Reyes in the council (Libro Diario, pp. 140-142). No other council is re- corded till January 28, at Isla de Santa Catalina. 2 Davidson concludes that the lat. 41° was based on mere "report," but we learn here that an observation was actually made (Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 230). 3 Of the voyage of the San Diego after leaving Puerto de los Reyes, Torque- mada says that it sailed slowly northwest in search of the Tres Reyes, and on Sun- day, the 12th, sighted some high mountains (Davidson says King's Peak), and fourteen leagues farther, Cape Mendocino, in lat. 41°. Next day, the 13th, a heavy southeast wind arose, and they lay to till the 19th, by which time they had drifted to 42°, near Cavo Blanco de San Sebastian (Monarchia Indiana, I. 718; Davidson, Early Voyages, pp. 231-233). 1603] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 97 rapidly to the Strait of Anian. This day we sighted land both on the cape and beyond, covered with great pine forests. There was much snow covering the mountains, making them look like volcanoes, and reaching down to the sea. On the 21st of the month God sent us a light northwest wind, which had been so unseasonable for us in going but was so desirable for the return, and which brought us out of this trouble. We skirted along the coast, inspecting again what we had seen, as far as this place. Chapter 16. The Return from Cape Mendocino, the Arrival at the Islands of Masatlan, and what occurred on the Return. We returned, as has been said, from Cape Mendocino, and from another beyond to which was given the name San Sebas- tian, on the 21st of the month of January. The northwest wind aiding us, we came along skirting the coast, carefully re- viewing it all, and on the 25th of the said month we had come as far as the port of Monterrey, where the Indians signalled us with smoke. We did not enter it because the state of our health was so bad and the sick were clamoring, although there was neither assistance nor medicines nor food to give them except rotten jerked beef, gruel, biscuits, and beans and chick-peas spoiled by weevils. The mouths of all were sore, and their gums were swollen larger than their teeth, so that they could hardly drink water, and the ship seemed more like a hospital than a ship of an armada. Affairs were in such a condition that any- one who had ever in his life been at the helm steered, climbed to the maintopsail, and did the other tasks, and all who could walk assisted at the hearth, making gruel and porridge for the sick. Above all, we were greatly distressed because the frigate, the Tres Reyes, did not appear, for we feared that she had been lost in the past storm ; but our need was so great, as has been said, that we could not wait for her, although it was our inten- tion to do so at the island of Santa Catalina,1 where we arrived 1 From a junta held January 28, the San Diego being off Santa Catalina Island in lat. 34°, it is learned that on the return several days were spent re-exploring inlets not completely examined on the way up, and that Captain Ger6nimo, Bolafios, and his assistant pilot, had recommended putting in at Santa Catalina Island to await the Tres Reyes. But since the men were too ill to get wood and 98 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 the 29th of the said month. Although many canoes of Indians came with fish and other things; inviting us to go to them, the general did not dare cast anchor among them; as he did not have men strong enough to raise the anchors, and as the sick were dying of hunger. We therefore continued our voyage for the island of Serros, and so great was our need of wood and water that we anchored there February 6th of the said year ; only one small anchor was cast, with the idea that if it could not be raised it could remain there with the cable. The general went on shore with six men, but the strongest of them could not lift a bottle of water from the ground, and only with the greatest efforts of all could they take on twelve quarters of water. The Indians of the island came down to the beach where the water hole was made, with their bows and arrows, painted with vermillion, and playing flutes, and although the general called and coaxed them and gave them hardtack, they would not accept it or approach peaceably, but, as before, tried to hinder and prevent the taking of water. This obliged the general to order some arquebus shots fired, though in the air, in order to terrify them ; thereupon they ran away up the mountain. The next day the general ordered Ensign Pasqual de Alarcon to go with the men to get wood on land. He did so, and at midnight on the 8th of the month we set sail, weighing anchor with the greatest efforts of all, and continued our voyage with a fresh wind behind us, skirting the coast, until the 11th of the month, when we drew near Cape San Lucas to bring away the long-boat which we had left there on the outward voyage, as well as to put in at the port of La Paz to await the succor we had sent to the viceroy to ask. All were of the opinion1 that water, or even to weigh anchor once it was cast, it was concluded that no time should be lost, lest all might perish (Libro Diario, pp. 142-143). 1 A council was held on the San Diego on February 13, off Cape San Lucas. The questions considered were whether to enter the Bay of San Bernabe to get the long-boat and await the fragata and then go to Puerto de la Paz to await new orders, or to proceed to New Spain as rapidly as possible. All were agreed that no stop should be made, because of the deplorable condition of the crew. The two caulkers were dead ; over forty-five men were ill, and not six were able-bodied ; the scanty provisions were foul. It was decided to go to Mazatlan where help could be had from the villa de San Sebastian (Libro Diario, pp. 143-148). This is the last council recorded. 1603] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 99 we should not put in at the said bay nor go to the port of La Paz, because the men we're so sick and exhausted that if anchor were cast the ship would not be able to leave port. Some were of the opinion that we should cross over to the nearest port in New Spain to relieve our necessities; and others that we should go directly to Acapulco. In view of these opinions and con- sidering our great need, and as the sick were dying of hunger because they could not eat what was on board the ship on ac- count of their sore mouths, the general ordered that we go to the islands of Masatlan. Crossing the entrance of the Californias, we arrived there on the 18th of the said month, in the greatest affliction and travail ever experienced by Spaniards ; for the sick were crying aloud, while those who were able to walk or to go on all fours were unable to manage the sails. We cast anchor between the islands and the mainland and the next day the general determined to go to the mainland with five soldiers, since on all the ship there were no others able to walk. Without knowing the way, he travelled thirteen leagues inland through mountains and rugged places, for the pueblo of Masatlan, but, because there was no travelled road, and because of the wide, grassy plains, the trail was obscured and he fol- lowed the one leading to Culiacan. On the way his supply of food gave out and he straightway would have perished of hunger and thirst had not God miraculously provided a remedy in the form of a pack-train which was going to Culiacan from Mexico. The muleteer noticed him and saw how he had lost his way, and gave him wine and tortillas and bananas and riding animals, by means of which he went on to the pueblo of Saca- rita, subject to the villa of San Sebastian. Being informed of the necessity which had forced the gen- eral to go there to succor his perishing men, the alcalde mayor, Martin Ruis de Aguirre, aided him generously with such gifts as were within his jurisdiction, such as hens, chickens, kids, beef, veal, bread, fruits, and vegetables. These the general sent, and from them his men received great refreshment and nourishment. God, like a father of mercy, caused to be pro- vided in these islands a small fruit like agaves, called jiicoystlis. These, because of their strength, when eaten by the men who had sore mouths caused the ulcers to slough off and bleed pro- 100 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 fusely ; but such was the efficacy of the fruit that within six days there was not a single person whose mouth was not healed.1 Likewise, his Divine Majesty provided that the paralyzed and lame, without any manner of curing, without medicines, with only the fine climate and food, should all be healed, so that within the eighteen days we were on these islands, up to the 9th of March, when we set sail, all became well and were able to assist in handling the ship and at the helm. Not to be tedi- ous, I do not tell of the hardships which the general endured on land, or of his ruined health, or of his outlay of money ; or of those who went with him, namely, Andres Leal, Juan Guerra, Christoval de los Reyes, Gonzalo Fernandes, and Diego Lopez, who can speak as eye-witnesses. As has been said, we set out from the islands for Acapulco, skirting the coast, and on the morning of the 10th of the said month were off Cape Corrientes, all very happy because the men were improving and becoming well. Continuing the voy- age, following the coast, we came to the port of Acapulco and anchored in it on Friday, the 21st of the said month, with great joy. It was marred however by the news that met us of the many deaths among those who had come on the admiral's ship with messages. For lack of necessities the greater part of the men who came on that ship died. The general found orders from the viceroy that the men should be paid what was due them, that they should be thanked for the good work they had done on this voyage, and that such as desired to enter the army or navy should go up to Mexico, in order that his Lordship might reward them in the name of his Majesty. The men re- ceived their pay with great satisfaction and the general took them all with him to Mexico at his own expense. We arrived at Mexico on Saturday, the 18th of March2 of the said year, and went to Chapultepeque,3 where his Lordship was, to kiss his hands. The viceroy welcomed the general very warmly and embraced the others, thanking them by word of mouth, and showing himself very grateful for the good work 1 Since Captain Cook's time, lime-juice has been used for such exigencies. 2 This must be a misprint for May. 3 Chapultepec, the famous crag on which the viceroy's palace was located. It is now the site of the principal residence of the presidents of Mexico, and of a military college. 1603] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 101 they had done in the exploration. Some of them he appointed as captains and military officers for the aid and escort of the fleet which this year goes from San Juan de Ulua to Castile be- cause of the news received of the English corsair. Thus ended this exploration, his Lordship sending to his Majesty a copy of the record of all that was done in it, in order that in view of everything he may provide what is best for his royal service. Chapter 17. What the Frigate discovered after it separated from the Captain's Ship. We arrived, as has been said, at Mexico, where we found the boatswain, Estevan Lopez, accompanied by the pilot of the frigate, the Tres Reyes. He said that during the hurricane that struck us from the south-southwest in latitude 42° they sep- arated from us and kept running on, without being able to stop, as far as latitude 43°, at Cape Blanco.1 He said that from that point the coast ran northeast, and the cold was so great that they thought they should be frozen, and they were in great danger of being lost. Ensign Martin de Aguilar, their commander, died, and also the pilot, Antonio Flores, and the said boatswain turned back in search of the captain's ship.2 1 This is shown on Burney's chart as Cavo Blanco de Aguilar, distinct from and a degree above Cavo de San Sebastian. 2 The Relacion of the boatswain of the Tres Reyes states that six leagues beyond "Puerto de los Reyes, which above they call Puerto de Don Gaspar," they found a "very, very large river" flowing from the southeast. This was evidently Tomales Bay (see Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 220). It is shown on the chart as Rio Grande de San Sebastian. Farther on, in lat. 41°, near Cape Mendocino, which is placed at 413/2°, they found a very large bay into which entered a large river coming from the north. It had such a current that during a whole day they were able to enter it only two leagues. It was on a rise and carried logs. The country was heavily timbered with pine and oak forests. From this river to Cape Mendocino the direction was south. From the river to Cape Blanco in lat. 43° the coast ran northeast and continued in the same direction beyond, though it was scarcely seen, because they turned back there ("Relacion que dio el Contramaestre," in Derrotero, p. 171). Torquemada states that the Tres Reyes, finding herself alone, continued north looking for the San Diego. In lat. 41° she was struck by a southeast wind, and took shelter near Cape Mendocino under a large rocky islet (Davidson thinks this was Redding Rock in 41° 22', Early Voyages, p. 232). Continuing close to the shore, on January 102 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 In latitude 39^4° he discovered a copious river, and an island at the entrance of a very good and secure port, and an- other large bay in latitude 40 H °, into which another large river emptied.1 A great number of Indians came out to them in canoes made of pine and cedar planks, but because there were so many people they did not dare to go up the river with the launch, although the Indians invited them to do so, giving them many fish, game, hazel nuts, chestnuts, acorns, and other things to induce them to go with them up the river. As he said that there were many Indians there, it was de- cided not to comply, but to go outside instead. And they re- turned along the coast, entering the port of Monte Rey, that of Los Reyes, the islands of Samta Catalina, and the port of San Diego. The Indians remembered them well, for though but six of our men remained in the said frigate, the rest having died of cold and sickness, the Indians were so friendly and so desirous of our friendship and so grateful for the kind treatment which they had received that they not only did them no harm, but showed them all the kindness possible. He said that they came hugging the coast all the way and arrived at the port of La Navidad on the 26th of the said month of February. Having no men with whom to take the frigate to Acapulco, he came to the viceroy in this city, who gave him an order to the effect that the alcalde mayor there should give him what was necessary for his voyage. Thus, thanks to God, all the ships which the general had taken had returned in safety, with no loss to the Real Hacienda. Thus ended this explora- tion, the viceroy sending a copy of the reports to his Majesty in order that he may provide what is most fitting for his royal service. Corrected by the original book of his Majesty, beginning 19 they were at Cape Blanco, in 43°, whence the coast begins to run northwest. Near this place they found a large river, which they could not enter. Here they turned back. It looks as though the boatswain's river, just below Cape Men- docino, had been elevated by Torqueniada to 43°. On the basis of Torquemada's narrative, which gives the direction of the coast incorrectly, Davidson (Early Voyages, p. 234) concludes that the Cabo Blanco de Aguilar was the white sand dune in lat. 42° 14', and that the river was the Rogue River, lat. 42° 25'. 1 This is probably intended for the river and bay in 41° told of by the boat- swain and shown on the Carta just under Cape Mendocino. 1603] DIARY OF VIZCAINO 103 at the sixty-fifth folio and ending at the eighty-fifth, comprising twenty written folios, which are sent true and correct. There were present, as witnesses, at the copying and correcting, Juan Martin Marques, Antonio Luis, Andres Leal. In testimony whereof I signed and affixed my accustomed rubrics. Done in Mexico, the 8th day of the month of December, 1603. In testimony of the truth, Diego de Santiago, chief scrivener. A BRIEF REPORT OF THE DISCOVERY IN THE SOUTH SEA; BY FRAY ANTONIO DE LA ASCENSION, 1602-1603 1 Memorial of Francisco de Arellano The name which your Lordship has so established by your eminent Christian works gives me courage to request your Lordship to glance over this letter, and to hold and acknowledge me as a servant of your Lordship's house, and as such to deign to honor and reward me. From the memorial and the papers which will appear in the Council, and from the letter which has been written from this city to his Majesty, in which informa- tion is given of my person, according to what, they say, they have been ordered by royal decree, your Lordship will recognize the obligation which constrains me to serve his Majesty, as I have always had very great desire to do and, whenever occasion has arisen, have tried to do. Father Fray Antonio de la Ascen- sion, of the Discalced Order of Carmelites, a person of very great virtue and holiness, concerning whom that Royal Council has information, and who took part in the discovery of the Calif ornias, and as cosmographer surveyed them and made that map of them and their seas and wrote a narrative, which he sent, has given me a full account of this discovery and of how great a service to our Lord and to his Majesty it would be if this land should be reduced to the royal crown, on account of its great riches, and for the conversion of so great a multi- tude of Indians. Since your Lordship is so eminent a Christian and so zealous 1 Pacheco and Cardenas, Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos, VIII. 537-538 ; endorsed: "This report has been taken from the folio volume of manuscript in the Biblioteca Nacional which bears the signature 'J. 89,' and contains various papers relating to the Indies. First comes the holographic memorial of Don Francisco de Arellano, which we are publishing, and next the report in the form of a copy which seems to be contemporary." 104 1602] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 105 for the honor of God and the service of his Majesty, it would be fitting that your Lordship should have examined the papers which Sebastian Vizcaino sent to the Council regarding this exploration, which are the same as I am sending, although [these are] more brief. As it is eighteen years since it was made, by order of his Majesty, while the Count of Monterey was viceroy of this New Spain, it may be that your Lordship has not heard of those papers, and that, for this reason, there has been a neglect of a matter so important, and one which might afford a beginning of a settlement and conquest at so lit- tle cost, since his Majesty has already1 . . . [talked] of order- ing this realm explored and of sending discalced Carmelites to it for that conversion. I assure your Lordship that if I myself were in somewhat easier circumstances I would promise to make the beginning at my own expense and cost. But I promise what I can, which is my person, if it should be acceptable, and my very great desire to serve his Majesty, to whose royal feet I should wish to con- vey the conquered realm and the riches which are said to be therein. May God order everything to his greater honor and glory, and preserve your Lordship most happy years with the greatly merited lustre which your Lordship possesses and which I desire. Don Francisco Ramirez de Arellano. Mexico, December 21, 1620. A Brief Report2 in which is given Information of the Discovery which was made in New Spain, in the South Sea, from the Port of Acapulco to a Point beyond Cape Mendocino ; con- taining an Account of the Riches, the Temperate Climate, and the Advantages of the Realm of the Californias, and setting forth how his Majesty will be able at little cost to pacify it and incorporate it into his Royal Crown and cause the Holy Gospel to be preached in it. By Father Fray Antonio 1 This is illegible. 2 Pacheco and Cardenas, Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos, VIII. 539-574, endorsed: "B. N. [i. e., Biblioteca Nacional], J. 89. Found among other manu- script papers that treat of divers matters, in a small folio volume, board bind- ing, at folio 21." 106 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 de la Ascension, a Religious of the Discalced Order of Car- melites, who took part in it and as Cosmographer made a map of it I. In the past year of 1602, by order of our very Catholic and most Christian King, Philip III., king of Spain, Don Gaspar de Ziiniga y Acevedo, Count of Monterey, may he be in heaven, being viceroy of New Spain, two small ships and a frigate were equipped by his order and command in the port of Acapulco,1 which is in New Spain, on the coast of the South Sea. They were supplied with all necessary arms and provisions for a voy- age of one year,2 the time it was thought this expedition would last. Sebastian Vizcaino went as captain and commander of the soldiers and vessels and Captain Toribio Gomez de Corban went as admiral. There embarked in these ships and the frigate two hundred persons,3 more or less, one hundred and fifty of them select and experienced soldiers, who were also very skilful sailors, to assist in whatever might present itself concerning affairs at sea as well as those of war on land, and to escort the general. Several famous captains and the ensign who had done heroic deeds in his Majesty's service in Flanders and Britain and in the cruise of the galleons embarked as counsellors, all well accustomed and experienced in affairs of war and of the sea. They were Captain Pascual de Alarcon, Captain Alonzo Este- ban Pequero,4 Ensign Juan Francisco Sureano,5 Ensign Juan de Acevedo Tejeda, and Ensign Melendez. And for steering the ships there went select pilots, very vigilant and experienced, two for each vessel. And for spiritual matters and the gui- dance of souls, three religious, priests of the Discalced Order of Carmelites, were appointed; they were Father Andres de la Asumpcion, who went as commissary, Father Tomas de Aquino, and I, Father Antonio de Ascension, who writes this report. They were sent in order that in the name of his Majesty the king our Lord, and of his religion, and of the Province of San Alberto of New Spain, immediate possession might be taken of 1 See Vizcaino's diary, p. 53, above, note 2. 2 According to the junta held in the Bay of Monterey on December 18, the equipment was for eleven months. See Vizcaino's diary, p. 92, note 1. 3 See Vizcaino's diary, p. 53, note 1. 4 Peguero elsewhere. 5 Suriano elsewhere. 1602] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 107 the realm of the Californias which was to be discovered and explored ; in order that thenceforward they might take charge of the conversion and instruction of all the heathen Indians of that realm ; and in order that on the voyage they might ad- minister the sacraments to those who were in the ships. Be- sides these, the viceroy appointed two cosmographers, to survey and map all the coasts, with their ports, inlets, rivers, and bays, with their latitudes and longitudes. These were Captain Geronimo Martin Palacios and I,1 1 having studied this art and science in the Universitv of Salamanca, where I was born and reared, and where I studied until I took the holy habit which I unworthily wear. I have said this and signed here my name so that persons who may read this brief and concise report may be convinced that in all its contents I am telling the truth ; and in order not to be prolix I am brief in everything, with a style plain and simple, as will be seen in what follows. II. This armada sailed from the port of Acapulco the 5th day of the month of May, of the said year, 1602, every one, before embarking, having confessed and received communion, the cap- tains as well as the soldiers and cabin-boys of the two vessels. The order which the viceroy gave them was to explore all the coast from the above-mentioned port of Acapulco to the Point of California, and everything from there to Cape Mendocino ; and on returning, if there should be time and opportunity, to explore the Mediterranean Sea of California.2 Pursuant to this order, the armada sailed northwest, coasting all along the shore and land of New Spain as far as the islands of Macatlan and thence crossing over so as to reach the Point of California. It is fifty leagues across the sea from one side to the other. From the time this armada sailed from the port of Acapulco until it reached Cape Mendocino there were always strong head- winds, because almost continually the northwest wind prevails on all this coast ; it was necessary, therefore, to sail with bow- 1 In his correspondence and instructions the viceroy says nothing about Father Ascension's being appointed cosmographer. See Carrasco y Guisasola, Documentos,- pp. 41-68. 2 The order to explore the gulf was in the secret instructions. See p. 92, above. 108 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 lines hauled, which was an incredible hindrance, as there were days when it was not able to gain a league's headway. Tacking to the sea or to the land, one way or the other, the voyage was made, and for this reason the outward trip was very prolonged, and all the ports, bays, rivers, and inlets of the entire coast were examined very minutely. It took us nine months from the time we left Acapulco to reach Cape Mendocino, where we arrived on the 20th1 day of the month of January, 1603. Cape Mendocino is in latitude 42° north, and we went even farther, to the latitude of 43°, to what was named Cape San Sebastian, where the coast turns to the northeast, and where the en- trance to the Strait of Anian seems to begin. III. This exploration was made with very great care and vigi- lance and cost a great deal of labor and exertion and tedious illness, and the lives of many who took part in it, because of undergoing so much labor, in continual pain and always struggling against the wild waves which the sea heaved up and against the winds which caused them. Moreover, the provisions became so stale that they finally had no virtue or nutrition. From these two causes there ensued a sickness like a pest, which affected every one and was extremely pain- ful, so that more than forty-four2 persons died on the voyage. I made a report of all that happened on this voyage, in which is related at length everything that took place during it and what was seen and discovered on it, and upon which I rely. This armada returned to Acapulco, and the captain's ship, in which I came,3 entered it March 21 of the said year, 1603. 1 The author is careless here, and confuses Cape Mendocino with Cape San Sebastian. They arrived at the former place on the 12th, and at the latter, in lat. 42°, on the 20th. Cape Blanco was given in the official records as in 43° (see Vizcaino's diary, p. 101). The latitude of Cape Mendocino was variously given as 41°, 41 Vz°, and 42 y2°. 2 According to Torquemada forty-eight died, including Alferez Juan de Acevedo Texada, Alferez Sebastian Melendez, Alferez Martin de Aguilar Galeote, pilot Antonio Flores, pilot Baltasar de Armas, Sergeant Miguel de Legar, and Sergeant Juan del Castillo Bueno (Monarchia Indiana, I. 724-725). In his let- ter to the King, dated May 23, 1603, Vizcaino stated that forty-two had died. 3 On the outward voyage he was on the almiranta as far as the Bay of Mon- terey. 1602] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 109 Thus eleven months were spent on the voyage from the time of sailing until port was made. In this short account I will speak briefly of some of the most important things I saw, learned, and observed throughout the land and seacoast which we saw and explored. IV. This realm of California is very large and embraces much territory, nearly all inhabited by numberless people. It has a good climate, is very fertile, and abounds in many and vari- ous kinds of trees, the most of them like those in Spain, abun- dant pastures of good grazing land, and a great number of differ- ent kinds of animals and birds. The sea of all this coast is full of a variety of savory and wholesome fish, which I will mention later. All the land of this realm is in the temperate zone, which is situated in the northern division, and the cli- mates 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 81 pass over it. It has the exact form and shape of a casket, being broad at the top and narrow at the point. It is this latter which we commonly call Punt a de la California. From there it widens out to Cape Mendocino, which we will describe as being the top and breadth of it. The breadth of this land from here to the other sea, where the Mediterranean Sea of California comes and connects with the sea that surrounds and encircles Cape Mendocino, must be about one hundred leagues.2 In this part this realm has north of it the Kingdom of Anian, and to the east the land which is continuous with the realm of Quivira. Between these two realms extends the strait of Anian, which runs to the North Sea, having joined the Oceanic Sea which surrounds Cape Men- docino and the Mediterranean Sea of California, both of which are united at the entrance of this strait which I call Anian. Toward the west is the realm of China, and toward the south all the realm of Japan. The most modern maps show that from the meridian corresponding to the Point of California to the meridian corresponding to Cape Mendocino there are sixty degrees of longitude ; so that if we give sixteen and a half leagues to each degree, according to the reckoning of 1 Climate in the old astronomical sense — so many degrees of latitude. 2 This passage is a fair statement of the geographical notions concerning the Northwest after Iturbi's expedition. 110 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 cosmographers, it is about one thousand leagues long; but if according to the reckoning of mariners, who give twenty- five leagues to each degree, we should say that its coast and shore is more than fifteen hundred leagues long from north- west to southeast, which is the direction all this realm runs and trends. In latitude, or breadth, it extends from the Tropic of Cancer, that is, from the Point of California, called Cape San Lucas, which is under that tropic, to the latitude of 50°, the highest latitude of this realm — which, I said, is where unite the two seas that surround this realm. Thus it is plain that this realm of California is a land sep- arate and distinct from the lands of New Mexico and the realm of Quivira, which is continuous with the latter, although there is a long distance and much territory between the one realm and the other. The sea between these two realms, which is the one called the Mediterranean Sea of California, since it is between lands so large and extended, must be about fifty leagues wide. In the middle of it there are many islands, some small and others larger ; but I cannot say whether they are inhabited or not. The inhabitants of Cape Mendocino are so opposite and remote from the kingdom of Old Castile in our Spain that it is midnight in the noted city and university of Salamanca when it is noon at Cape Mendocino, and vice versa: so that they are the antipodes of each other, being op- posite each other, and in the same climate, but with different and diametrically opposite meridians. Hence it follows that they must possess the same atmospheric conditions and climate, having the same winter, summer, and autumn. It is possible that they differ in some conditions and temperatures, because of the different influences of the vertical stars which affect their qualities. Those who are acquainted with and understand the sphere and cosmography will have no doubt of this ; but in order to make myself better understood I made for those who do not understand it a geographic map of it all, which I have with me ; and I am sending a copy of it to his Majesty and to his Royal Council of the Indies, that they may understand the great size and the situation of this great realm. And I believe it will be indispensable and important, in order that the pres- ent maps of the world may be compared with it and corrected, 1602] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 111 because many of the things which are depicted in them relat- ing to matters of this realm are very different from what they actually are. This is not to be wondered at, since the land and seacoast of this realm have never been viewed or explored so exactly and designedly as on this expedition, which went solely for this purpose. V. The Cape of San Lucas/ which is at the extremity of Cali- fornia, whence all this realm begins and takes its name, forms in its shelter a bay called San Bernabe, so spacious that it is a good bay and will accommodate many ships, although it is not protected on all sides. This bay, or cape, of San Lucas is under the Tropic of Cancer, and off the islands of Macatlan, which, on the coast of New Spain, are the frontier and limit on this side of the bishopric of Guadalajara and of the king- dom which they call Nueva Galicia. It is fifty leagues, more or less, across the sea, which is the width of the Mediterranean Sea of California between the realm of California and that of Galicia. This latter joins the kingdom of New Spain and ex- tends to New Mexico, continuing to the kingdom of Quivira, and terminating at the Strait of Anian, as has already been said. Some call it the Mediterranean because it flows between these two large realms; others call it the Vermillion Sea, since in this passage the water looks a bright reddish color, perhaps because the land at the bottom is red, or it may be from the spawn brought here by the river-fish that come to swim in that sea, this color being caused by the blood; for once I saw that the water at the port of Acapulco was of this bright reddish color, and they told me that it was because of the fish spawn. On the old maps it is called the bay, or gulf, of Ballenas,2 because there, as on all the coast as far as Cape Mendocino, there are so many whales that they cannot be numbered, nor would it be believed by anybody who had not seen them. And because until now3 it has been understood to be a bay or large gulf, formed there by the sea, and not a regular and continuous sea, which it is, they gave it this name. 1See Vizcaino's diary, p. 56, above, note 1. 2 Whales. 3 The allusion is perhaps to the results of the Iturbi and Onate expeditions. 112 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 In this passage are the islands called the Marias, and an- other small one called San Andres ; and through all this sea there are many other islands. Among them, facing the port formed by the Tizon River,1 which flows into this sea from New Mexico in latitude 35°, is the island of Giganta,2 where lives the queen of the neighboring peoples. In this sea, on both shores, other islands also, as well as the land of Califor- nia, have many oyster-beds, which produce pearls, many, rich, and large. They are found as far as latitude 36°, as I say in the last chapter of the report which I made of this discovery. VI. I will say that the wealth and abundance of pearls in this sea is very great, a thing which is well known and remarked upon by persons who have coasted along the sea; and they are, indeed, large and beautiful, choice, and very perfect. The oysters are not very deep, for the Indians search for and bring them up. This is not to make use of the pearls, because they do not understand or value them, but only to eat the fish within. In order to open the oysters and more easily extract their contents they put them in the fire, whereupon they open and the pearls are burned or smoked. When found they are thrown away, as if they were stones of no value. There are many different kinds of fish in this sea, large and small, which are seen to go in shoals or schools. As they are fish known in other seas, I will here name some of those I have caught, had in my hands, and eaten,3 so that the abun- dance, excellence, and wealth of that sea may be understood. There are, as I have said, multitudes of very large whales, and a great quantity of sardines, large and small, slender and thick, which are, according to what they say, the common sustenance of the whales, and may be it is for this reason there are so many. There are ruffles, porgy, sea-bass, corrundas, small sharks, or dog-fish, sturgeon, esmirigalas, skate, salmon, tunny, ray, chucos, sea-horse, little bass, striped tunny, gilt- 1 The Colorado, named Rio del Tizon (Firebrand) by the Alarcon expedi- tion in 1540. 2 See the account of Onate's journey to California, p. 276. 3 When in California with Vizcaino, presumably. 1602] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSI6N 113 head, sole, mutton-fish, porpoise, newts, tirgueros, common oysters, those that bear pearls, and many other never seen and unknown. And there are octopus. One was caught so large that it wrapped itself around the buoy-rope or line by which the buoy was fastened to the anchor ; although it was very heavy, as it had a firm hold, the ship raised it and dragged it behind.1 It had a mouth like a half -moon. I measured it from one point to the other, crosswise, and it was a vara and three quarters, and from the head to the end of the tail it was five and one quarter varas. It was broad and flat like a mantle. These fish are of fine flavor, palatable, and whole- some. All these varieties were caught every year by casting the net, or seine. Sometimes the seine was so full that it broke. VII. The country of this Cape San Lucas is very fertile and health- ful, with a fine climate and clear sky. It has good level land and is not very mountainous. All of it is perfectly adapted to cultivation and to keeping and raising stock, both cattle and sheep, goats and swine. There is plenty of wild game for hunting and fowling, such as rabbits, hare, deer, lions, tigers, armadillos, ringdoves, quail, and many ducks. Of trees, there are figs, broccoli, agaves, mangroves, mastick, and, near the beach, a grove of plum trees. In place of gum or resin, they exude in great quantities very good and fragrant incense. The fruit which they pro- duce is very delicious, as I have been told by those who have tried it on other occasions. There is also on the shore of this land which encircles the Bay of San Bernabe, where I saw all the things mentioned, a lagoon of good fresh water,2 all sur- rounded and hedged in with brambles. On the other side, near the rocks and the beach, there is a little lagoon of salt water, left by the sea in high winds, which was covered, all around, with very good salt, plentiful, white, and of a good taste. Here also are many robust Indians, of good disposi- tion, who use bows, arrows, and darts for arms. They gave indications of being bellicose and spirited ; for, when some 1 Evidently an incident of the Vizcaino voyage. 2 For this lagoon see the Carta. 114 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 natives came to see us at this port, they said that if the soldiers would put away the arquebuses they carried they would also come without arms. Laying them aside, they seated them- selves, saying in a loud voice "Vtesi," that is to say, "Seat yourselves" or "be seated,'7 which is the surest and most certain sign of peace in use among them. With this ceremony they came peaceably, and treated us with friendliness and civility, although always with extreme caution and suspicion, and on hearing an arquebus discharged they immediately ran away. When they came, they always brought with them such little things as they had, showing themselves to be a people grateful and thankful for what the soldiers and religious gave them. VIII. It is at this port that his Majesty should order the first settlement of Spaniards to be made when he sends people to pacify the country, in order that the pacification of all this realm and the preaching of the Holy Gospel may begin here. It is situated near and convenient for trade and communi- cation with New Spain and Peru, as the ships to New Spain touch at this place when they come from Peru by the new mode of navigation now in use, and they come in one month. Be- sides these, it has other advantages for sustaining human life, and for enabling the Spaniards to keep their trade and com- merce in good and secure communication, because, besides the pearl-fisheries near by, there is, on the south coast, a neighboring land which we call Sierra Pintada or del Enfado.1 It has many minerals of various kinds; and one can go by land to extract them, and to get the gold and silver which they may contain. Apparently they are very abundant, according to experience and trustworthy information upon which I rely. It is the best place that could be found in the world for the maintenance and mode of life of the Discalced Carmelite religious (who, by order of the king, our lord, have charge of the conversion of this realm), and for their abstemious and penitent life, because of the good mild climate as well as the great abundance of many kinds of good fish, as is stated above. The heat of the climate is not so excessive as to need linen, 1 See Vizcaino's diary, p. 57, above. 1602] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 115 nor does it require much protection against the cold, so that one kind of clothing can be worn all the time. Moreover, the proximity of the country to New Spain and the facility of navigation from one realm to the other is very important for providing it with the religious, for governing them by one provincial, and for conveying some and bringing back others, according as the necessity of the religious may require ; for, having settlements as far as the port of Navidad where they can embark if they do not wish to go to Acapulco, in a month one can go from Mexico to the Californias with great ease and comfort. IX. After remaining in this port and bay of San Bernabe some days, we set sail1 for the purpose of making the exploration of Cape Mendocino. As the coast runs from southeast to northwest, and as the wind is continually from that quarter, that is, northwest, we found it so severe and strong that four times against our will it forced us to put back into the port from which we sailed. Finally, at the end of some days, with bowlines hauled, we made our way and arrived at the port of Magdalena,2 which was formerly called the port of Santiago.3 Here the Indians received us peacefully and, as an acknowledg- ment of submission, offered the Spaniards their bows and ar- rows, very nicely wrought, and brought some incense like that we had procured in the Bay of San Bernabe, a sign that there are here a great number of these trees which produce it. An arm of the sea enters this port, unless it is some large river which disembogues here and empties into the sea. But it was ascended only about a league, being left for exploration when we should return from Cape Mendocino. Here many Indians came out to us in their canoes and showed themselves friendly and gentle. This port is very good and spacious, and has two mouths or entrances. By one, small vessels only can enter; by the other large ones can enter, as it has good soundings. Here 1 They set sail the first time on June 19, finally on July 5. See Vizcaino's diary, pp. 57, 58, above. 2 See Vizcaino's diary, p. 59, above, note 1. 3 By Cabrillo it was called Port of San Pedro. See p. 14, note 4. 116 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 and all along this coast there are many whales and, if it is true that amber comes from their filth, as I understand, from what I saw on this voyage, there must be much amber on this coast • for not far from this place, though farther up on the same coast, we found another port, which was named ban Bartolomeo, on whose shore was a large quantity of ambergris, in cakes, like soft, whitish pitch. We did not recognize it as such and for this reason we took no notice of it. AtterwarO, when giving a description of it to those who are well acquainted with amber, they said that it was very fine ambergris There was a large quantity of it in this port. Perhaps God our Lord allowed none of those who went there to know this, since it may be that in the interest of going to obtam it his Majesty will send ministers with the design of converting those Indians, for according to the signs which they gave it will be easy to bring them into our Catholic faith. X. We went forward, making the exploration carefully and slowly, because head winds impeded it. Other ports and is- lands were discovered along the coast, and all along it there were many Indians, who signalled us with smoke columns and other signs ; but, in order to reach Cape Mendocino, every- thing was left to be examined on our return. Finally, alter much labor we reached the port of San Diego,2 which is very good and capacious and offers many very good advantages for Spanish settlement. Here the ships were cleaned and oiled again, the place being quiet, and there bemg many friendly and affable Indians there. They use bows and ar- rows and appear warlike and valiant, since, notwithstanding they came to see us every day, they always treated us with so great a distrust that they never had complete confidence in us. They pronounced so very well in our language what they heard us speak that anyone hearing them and not seeing them would say they were Spaniards. Every day they would come in order that we might give them some of the fish we caught in the net, and they would go away quietly after they had helped to haul it in. i Port of San Bartolome\ See Vizcaino's diary, p. 64, above, note 3. 2 November 10, 1602. See Vizcaino's diary, p. 80, above, note 1. 1602] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 117 The harbor is large and secure, and has a large beach within, like an island of sand,1 which the sea covers at high tide. In the sand on this beach there is a great quantity of yellow pyrites, all full of holes, a sure sign that in the neighboring mountains and adjacent to this port there are gold mines; for the water, when it rains, brings it from the mountains, and the whole watershed converges here. On the sandy beach which I said was in this harbor we found some large pieces, like adobe, brown or dark red in color, and very light in weight, like dried cowdung. They had neither a good nor a bad odor, and they are said to be amber. If this is so, there are great riches and an abundance of amber here. There are many different kinds of fish, of very good taste and flavor, such as ray, sea-horse, lobster, crab, guitarras, sar- dine, turtle, and many other kinds. There is much wild game for hunting and fowling; and there are many large, grassy pastures. The Indians paint themselves white, and black, and dark London blue. This color comes from certain very heavy blue stones, which they grind very fine, and, dissolving the powder in water, make a stain, with which they daub the face , and make on it lines which glisten like silver ribbons. These stones seem to be of rich silver ore, and the Indians told us by signs that from similar stones a people living inland, of form and figure like our Spaniards,2 bearded, and wearing collars and breeches, and other fine garments like ours, secured silver in abundance, and that they had a name for it in their own language. To ascertain whether these Indians knew silver, the general showed them some silver bowls and a plate. They took it in their hands and spun it around, and, pleased by the sound, said it was good, and was the same as that possessed and valued highly by the people of whom they had told us. Then he put in their hands a pewter bowl, but when they struck it the sound did not please them and, spitting, they wanted to throw it into the sea.3 The people of whom the Indians told us might have been 1 The Peninsula. See Davidson, Early Voyages, p. 194. 2 The Spaniards of the Onate Expedition had recently entered New Mexico, and the Indians perhaps referred to their activities. 3 In the official diary this incident or one very similar is related as occurring on the San Buenaventura coast. See Vizcaino's diary, p. 88, above. 118 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1602 foreigners, Hollanders or English, who had made their voyage by the Strait of Anian and might be settled on the other coast of this land, facing the Mediterranean Sea of California. Since the realm is narrow, as has been said, it may be that the other sea is near that place ; for the Indians offered to guide and take us to the place where they say the people are settled. If this is so, it is probable they have large interests and profits there, since their voyage is so long and difficult. Still, it is true that by passing through the Strait of Anian and reaching their land by that latitude, their voyage is only half as long as that from the port of San Juan de Ulua to Spain. This will be clearly seen from evidence furnished by the globe. In this case, it will be to his Majesty's interest to endeavor to assure himself of the fact : first, in order to know the route, and secondly, in order to expel from there such dangerous enemies, lest they contaminate the Indians with their sects and liberty of conscience, by which great harm to their souls will follow, whereby instructing them and leading them in the paths of the true law of God will be made very difficult. Be- sides this, his Majesty will be able to secure many other ad- vantages, as I shall show later. XI. After we left the Port of San Diego we discovered many islands placed in a line, one behind another.1 Most of them were inhabited by many friendly Indians, who have trade and commerce with those of the mainland. It may be that they are vassals of a petty king who came with his son from the mainland in a canoe with eight oarsmen, to see us and to invite us to go to his land, saying that he would entertain us and provide us with anything which we needed and he possessed.2 He said that he came to see us on account of what the inhabi- tants of these islands had reported to him. There are many people in this land, so many that the petty king, seeing that there were no women on the ships, offered by signs to give to everyone ten women apiece if they would all go to his land, which shows how thickly populated it all is. And besides, 1 Particularly the Santa Barbara Islands. See Vizcaino's diary, p. 83, above. 2 See Vizcaino's diary, ibid. 1602] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 119 all along, day and night, they made many bonfires, the sign in use among them to call people to their land. Since there was no convenient port where the ships could be secure in the country whence this petty king came, the acceptance of his invitation was deferred until the return voyage. Thereupon we went forward with our voyage, and at the end of some days arrived at a fine port, which was named Monterrey.1 It is in latitude 37°, in the same climate and latitude as Seville. This is where the ships coming from the Philippines to New Spain come to reconnoitre. It is a good harbor, well sheltered, and supplied with water, wood, and good timber, both for masts and ship building, such as pines, live oaks, and great white oaks, large and frondose, and many black poplars on the banks of a river that near by enters the sea and was named the Carmelo.2 In climate, in birds and game, in variety of animals and trees, in everything it is essen- tially like our Old Spain. When the ships from China arrive at this place they have already sailed four months and they come in need of repairs, which in this harbor they can make very well, and with perfect convenience; therefore it would be a very good thing for the Spaniards to settle this port for the assistance of navigators, and to undertake the conversion to our Holy Faith of those Indians, who are numerous, docile, and friendly. And from here they might trade and traffic ^with the people of China and Japan, opportunity for that being favorable because of propinquity. The land of this country is very fertile and has good pas- tures and forests, and fine hunting and fowling. Among the animals there are large, fierce bears, and other animals called elks, from which they make elk-leather jackets,3 and others of the size of young bulls,4 shaped and formed like deer, with thick, large horns. There were many Castilian roses here. There are pretty ponds of fresh water. The mountains near this port were covered with snow, and that was on Christmas day. On the beach was a dead whale, and at night some bears came to feed on it. There are many fish here, and a great variety of mollusks among the rocks; among them there were certain barnacles, 1 December 16. 2 See Vizcaino's diary, p. 91, above. 8 Cuiras. * 4See Vizcaino's diary, p. 91. Possibly the antelope. 120 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 or large shells, fastened to the lowest part of the rocks. The Indians hunt for them to extract from them their contents to eat. These shells are very bright, of fine mother-of-pearl.1 All along this coast, there is a great abundance of sea-wolves or dogs,2 of the size of a yearling calf. They sleep on the water, and sometimes go ashore to take the sun; and there they place their sentinel in order to be secure from enemies. The Indians clothe themselves in the skins of these animals, which are healthful, fine, beautiful, and convenient. Finally, I will say that this is a good and commodious port, and might be settled, but this should be done in the way which I shall set forth hereafter. XII. We set sail from here after dispatching the admiral's ship tQ New Spain with the news of what had been discovered and with the sick who were unfit for service. Among them returned Father Tomas de Aquino, one of the three religious who were going in this fleet, because he had been ill many days, and in order that the sick might have someone to confess them should God desire to relieve them of this life. Our departure in quest of Cape Mendocino was made on the first Sunday after Epiph- any,3 of the year 1603. On the coast we noted the port of San Francisco,4 where in times past there was lost a ship from China which was coming with orders to explore this coast. I believe that much of the wax and porcelain which the vessel carried is there to-day. And we arrived at Cape Mendocino5 in latitude 42°, which is the highest latitude at which the China ships sight land. Here, because of the se- verity of winter in this climate, and of the cold, and the stiff- ness of the rigging, and because almost all the crew were ill, the sails were lowered. The captain's ship got into the trough of the sea, and, as it could not be steered, the currents that 1 Clearly the abalone. 2 Probably the sea lion instead of the seal proper. 3 January 5. See Vizcaino's diary, p. 94. The day of sailing is given there as Friday, January 3. 4 Drake's Bay, called San Francisco by the Cermeno expedition. See Vizcaino's diary, p. 94. 5 January 12, according to Vizcaino's diary, p. 95. 1603] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 121 run to the Strait of Anian whose entrance begins here, carried it little by little toward land. In eight days we had ascended more than one degree of latitude, which was up to 43°, in sight of a cape that was named San Sebastian.1 Near it empties a river that was called Santa Inez.2 No one landed here, as all the crew were very ill, only six persons being able to walk. Here the coast and land turns to the northeast, and here is the head and end of the realm and mainland of California and the entrance to the Strait of Anian. If on this occasion there had been on the captain's ship even fourteen sound men, without any doubt we should have ventured to explore and pass through this Strait of Anian, since all were of good cour- age to do this. But the general lack of health and of men who could manage the sails and steer the ship obliged us to turn about toward New Spain, to report what had been dis- covered and seen, and lest the whole crew should die if we re- mained longer in that latitude.3 With this decision and agreement the return voyage was begun. It was made by coasting along shore with favorable winds, exploring all the ports, bays, and inlets that we had sighted on our outward voyage.4 As the northwest wind is so usual and continual on this coast, one can easily come from Cape Mendocino to the port of Acapulco in one month, if the pilot knows how to choose the correct routes at the proper times, as I set them down in an itinerary which I made for this voyage. The course which we took on our return was along the coast, and so near it that everything on it was seen with great clearness and distinctness.5 The Indians, as they saw us pass at a distance, sent up columns of smoke and other signals to attract us ; and wherever we landed they gave indications of their good natures and intelligence, hence it ap- 1 Father Ascension is again careless with his latitudes. Cape San Sebastian was estimated as at or near 42° and Cape Blanco, reached by the Tres Reyes, in 43°. See Vizcaino's diary, pp, 95, 96, 101. 2 By the Vizcaino diary and the Pianos this river, not named, was placed below Cape Mendocino. See Vizcaino's diary, p. 102, note. 3 See Vizcaino's diary, p. 96, note 1, for an account of the junta which de- cided to return. 4 See Vizcaino's diary, p. 97, note 1, for a statement regarding the explora- tion made on the return. 6 Yet they missed San Francisco Bay. 122 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 peared to us all that they might easily and with very little labor be taught our Holy Catholic faith, and that they would receive it well and lovingly. But this should be done with great prudence and in the manner that our Master and Re- deemer, Jesus Christ, taught us in his Holy Gospel. As to how persons should be sent to new lands for the con- version of the heathen Indians, I wrote a brief treatise, which I sent to the king, our lord, Philip III. In it I discuss what ought to be done that the people may be converted and that his Majesty may with just title become the lawful emperor and lord of their lands; and to this I refer the reader. Nevertheless, as there I have treated of the general instruc- tion for all, here, for the sake of greater clearness, I will set forth briefly what his Majesty can and ought to do for the conversion of the Indians of this great realm of the Calif ornias in particular, and to pacify their lands and become lord over them with good conscience, as will be seen by beginning with number 23 l below of this little treatise. Finally, returning to our voyage, I will say that we returned to the port of Acapulco on March 22,2 of the year 1603, hav- ing passed through great labor and severe illness, of which died the number of people that I mentioned at the beginning ; and I made a full report of all that happened on the voyage, and a map of the situation of this realm. XIII. The Method to be observed in Subduing and Settling the Realm of Californias* All this realm of the Calif ornias can be pacified and settled, and by this means and by the preaching of the Holy Gospel its natives can be led to the fold of our Holy Mother, the Roman Catholic Church, and converted to our Holy Catholic Faith. Now, in order that this may become an accomplished fact, and that his Majesty may effect it at a moderate ex- 1 A mistake for 13. 2 On page 108 he gives the date as March 21, as does the Vizcaino diary, p. 100. 3 The following is an excellent outline of an ideal missionary "pacification" of a new Spanish frontier. 1603] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 123 pense, that which must be commanded, ordered, and provided is as follows : There should be prepared and equipped in the port of Aca- pulco two small vessels of two hundred tons burden, and a frigate, with boats and skiffs for their service ; and they should be abundantly supplied with stores and munitions of war, as well as with food, rigging, canvas, and everything that may seem necessary for settling in infidel and heathen lands. While these things are being provided and prepared, there should be raised in Mexico as many as two hundred soldiers, care being taken that they should be good seamen, and also that they be old soldiers, expert and experienced as well in arms as in seamanship, in order that all, uniformly and with- out distinction, may aid in everything as occasion may offer. And let care be taken that they be good and honorable men in order that on the journey both on sea and land there may be peace, union, and brotherhood among all. Plenty of men of these parts and talents will very easily be found in Mex- ico if his Majesty will increase their pay in proportion as the double service they have to render demands, and if their pay and allowance be given them punctually when due. The duty of raising this troop should be assigned to one or two captains, good Christians and God-fearing men, and per- sons of merit, who have served his Majesty faithfully on other occasions, in war on land as well as in the fleets at sea. To them should be entrusted the appointment of officers to ac- company them, who should be persons they are satisfied will perform their service in a Christian and careful manner, and men of experience, who know how to fulfill the offices committed to them, for on these officers depend the good order and discipline of the soldiers. This expedition must be en- trusted to a person of courage and talents, of long experience, and accustomed to such charges, in order that he may know how to treat all with love and dignity, and each one individu- ally as his character deserves. Let care be taken that such a person be God-fearing, scrupulous in his conscience, and zealous in the service of his Majesty and in the things relat- ing to the conversion of these souls. To a person of these qualities can be given the office of general of the armada, to whom all, both captains and soldiers, will be subject, and 124 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 whom they will obey in everything, and whose orders they will follow. To the general, captains, soldiers, and all who go on this expedition, must be given express order and command that they shall hold themselves in strict obedience and subjection to the religious who are in their company, and that without their order, counsel, and advice, war may not be made, or the heathen Indians be otherwise molested, even if they should give occasion, in order that by this means matters may be conducted with peace and Christianity, and with love and quiet, which is the method to be used in the pacification of that realm, and in the preaching of the Holy Gospel, to which end and aim these expenses and preparations are directed. Not to do this, but the contrary, will be to waste everything, to lose time, and to render the expenditure ineffectual, as has been found by experience many times in this New Spain, in other conquests and pacifications of new lands, whereby God our Lord has been more injured than served. XIV. The religious who should go on this expedition are the Discalced of Our Lady of Carmel, the ones to whom are in- trusted by his Majesty the conversion, instruction, and teach- ing of the Indians of this realm of the Californias. On this first entrance there should be six religious, four priests and two lay brothers ; and it will be requested of the superiors of this order, in the name of his Majesty, that those whom they as- sign and appoint for this voyage be persons such as the occa- sion and enterprise demand, holy, affable, full of love and wisdom, that they may know how to counsel, guide and direct these souls, and to deal with such cases as may present them- selves conformably with sound Catholic doctrine. By observing the indulgences and benefits which the Su- preme Pontiffs have granted in favor of new conversions, for their greater increase, these holy friars, with their piety, mod- esty, simplicity, and religious graciousness, will succeed in win- ning the wills and hearts of both general and captains, as well as of all the soldiers, in order thereby to lead them in the holy path of virtue; and may they with loving arguments per- 1603] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 125 suade and admonish all, before embarking, to confess their sins and receive the most holy sacrament of the Eucharist, with all the devotion and inclination possible, offering their souls and lives to the service of his divine Majesty, asking of him success for their voyage and expedition. By doing this, with the proper spirit and devotion, the religious will make themselves lords over the hearts and wills of all, and will have authority over all to keep them in peace, love, and unity; and if perchance there should be any dissension among them, they will calm it at once with discretion, and thus animosities, vexations, and enmities, and the mutinies, insurrections, and disobedience to superiors which ordinarily occur on such enterprises, will be avoided. These religious will be provided with everything neces- sary for their voyage, such as vessels for saying mass and administering the sacraments, books and vestments and, in particular, something in the way of delicacies that they may have wherewith to give to the sick if there should be any. Likewise, there should be taken on board at the cost of his Majesty a quantity of trifles, Flemish trinkets, such as beads of colored glass, artificial garnets, hawks' bells, mir- rors, knives, cheap scissors, Parisian tops, and some articles of clothing. These things should be divided among the religious and soldiers, so that in places where they may go on shore or where they may choose sites for settlements in the lands of the heathen, they may distribute them, with signs of love and good will, in the name of his Majesty, in order that with these pleasing gifts the heathen Indians may come to feel love and affection for the Christians, and may realize that they are coming to their lands to give them of that which they bring, and not to take away their possessions, and may understand that they are seeking the good of their souls. This is a mea- sure of great importance, to the end that the Indians may be- come quiet, humane, and peaceable, and obey the Spaniards without opposition or repugnance, and receive with plea- sure those who go to preach to them the Holy Gospel and the mysteries of our Holy Catholic faith ; to the end, moreover, that the Indians may be grateful and thankful, and, in recom- pense and pay for what is given them, may assist with what- 126 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 ever of value they may have in their land, things to eat as well as other articles, as they did with us. With this preparation, the soldiers and religious should embark in the ships provided, no woman going or embarking with them, to avoid offenses to God and dissensions between one another. With the ocean currents that run toward the entrance of California, even if winds favorable to navigation should fail, one can within a month at the most succeed in landing in the Bay of San Bernabe, which is at Cape San Lucas and the extremity of California, the point best fitted for the first settlement. XV." After a landing is made in the Bay of San Bernabe, effort should be made at once to establish the camp in the place that seems most convenient ; and it should be of such a style and plan as that some of the houses may serve as a guard and pro- tection to the others. First of all a church should be built, in order that there the priests may celebrate mass every day ; and it would be very holy and well if immediately on en- trance into this realm the general with his captains and all the soldiers should confess and receive the sacrament, for this would be a very good beginning for making the entrance in proper form, and for following out, with the aid and favor of our Redeemer and Lord Jesus Christ, that which is attempted, namely, the pacification of the realm and the conversion of its inhabitants to our holy Catholic faith. As to the location of a stronghold to serve as a castle and watch-tower and as a defense in adverse chances, it should be a strong location, high and commanding ; and if a secure passage could be made from it to the sea it would be very advantageous as a means of receiving aid or of send- ing for aid by sea in case any necessity should arise. The Portuguese have generally done this way in the places where they have established themselves in India, and the observance of this stratagem and precaution has succeeded very well with them. This castle and stronghold should be stocked with artillery carried there for that purpose, together with other defenses customary in such fortresses; and in it should be 1603] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 127 kept the arms and supplies. Above it there should be a watch-tower in which there should be continually a guard or sentinel, in order that all coming and going to the camp may be carefully watched ; for when in lands of heathen Indians, although they may have declared themselves friendly and peaceable, they must not be trusted much; rather, one must live with them and among them with great circum- spection, vigilance, and watchfulness, and be gracious and kindly, with wisdom and prudence, showing them love and all good treatment, regaling and giving them gratis of the trifles which, at his Majesty's expense, may have been taken for the purpose of coaxing and winning them. Besides these buildings, a trading house should be erected, whither the Indians may repair to barter with the Spaniards for whatever they may desire, and in order that they may trade and bargain among themselves ; for thereby their com- munication with us will be greatly facilitated and love and friendship thus engendered. From this place, with the ships, frigate, and other ves- sels, they can send to the land of Culiacan,1 which is a set- tlement of Christians, or to the islands of Macatlan,2 or to the pueblo of La Navidad,3 to bring from there whatever may seem necessary both for the settlement of the land and for sustenance, such as cows, sheep, goats, mares, and hogs, which in two or four days at the most can be sent alive from one side to the other, as the sea lying between is about fifty leagues in width, and is safe and smooth. These animals will grow and multiply as well in this land, since it is suit- able for that purpose and is fertile. Likewise it will be pos- sible to cultivate fields of wheat and maize, and to plant vines and gardens, in order that sustenance may be had from within and it may not be necessary to carry it from without. The Indians can be taught and instructed to do the same, and will take everything well, seeing it redound to their advantage. 1 See Vizcaino's diary, p. 55, above, note 6. 2 Mazatlan. See Vizcaino's diary, p. 55, note 4. 3 See Cabrillo diary, p. 13, note 1. 128 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 XVI. Besides what is said above, the Spaniards in this place will be able to establish fisheries for pearls and other fish, of which there is abundance, to send to New Spain, to sell in Mexico. Very good salt-works can be established; like- wise they can work mines, of which there are some near by, as I have said in number VIII.1 These things being settled with the peace, love and good will of the natives, the religious will give their attention to their ministry, and make a begin- ning and commencement of converting the Indians, in the way which may seem best to them, founding with great pru- dence and gentleness the new Christian church to be planted there. And it would be well to bring from New Spain Indian min- strels, with their instruments and trumpets, that the divine services may be celebrated with solemnity and pomp, and to teach the Indians of the land to sing and play. Likewise it would be well and proper to choose from among the Indians some of the brightest, selecting among the young men and boys such as appear the most docile, talented and capable; and they should be taught and instructed in the Christian doctrine and to read the Spanish primers, in order that along with the reading they may learn the Spanish language, and that they may learn to write and sing, and to play all the musical instruments ;2 because a good foundation makes the edifice firm, and according as care is given in this matter to the beginnings, so will the middle parts and the ends be good. It is a very easy matter, by this method, to teach the children our language, and they, as they grow up, will teach it to their companions and to their children and families, and in a few years all will know the Spanish language, which will be a very great boon ; for they will not lack min- isters to teach, guide, and direct them in the path leading to heaven and to their salvation. From here they can con- tinue the planting of settlements of Christians and of the Indians who may be scattered through the mountains, draw- 1 The reference is to Sierra Pintada or del Enfado. See p. 114. 2 For instruction given Indians in Spanish missions, see Father Zephyrin Engelhardt, Missions and Missionaries of California, I. 99-102, 123-125. 1603] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSI6N 129 ing them to the settlements with love, suavity, and gentle- ness; taking care that the Christian soldiers do not disperse themselves so much that the guard will be diminished and impaired, so that, if the Indians, instigated by the evil one, should try to effect some uprising or to rebel against the Spaniards, there may be someone who can make resistance, and hold them in line, and even punish their insolence if the case demands it. XVII. In number VIII. I told how with very little trouble it would be possible to explore a certain land that is near here, on the coast of the South Sea, called the land of Enfado, or Pintada. I say that I believe that it has very rich silver ores. This can be explored by land, for it is near, and it might be developed if the ores proved to be of high grade and easily worked; and should they be rich and profitable, the expense which may have been entailed by building this fleet and bringing it to this country might be reimbursed from the fifths of the silver and pearls secured belonging to his Majesty. And this, once established, will necessarily bring great profits to his Majesty and to his royal patrimony, and great increase to his estate, with which there can be sent to this realm whatever number of people may seem to be necessary to pacify and settle it, and the ministers necessary for the conversion and instruction of the natives. Before making the second settlement, it is well that with the two ships all the Mediterranean Sea of California be ex- plored, examining everything on the coast running from Culiacan to Quivira, as far as the Strait of Anian, to see what rivers, ports and inlets there are on it ; as well as along the coast encircling the realm of California,1 until Cape Mendo- cino is turned, with all the rivers, ports, bays, and straits which there may be in its whole extent ; and to learn on the way where and how are settled the strangers which the Indians said were in the realm near there and in their lands, as I have mentioned above in number X.,2 and, also, to try 1 That is, the eastern coast of the island of California. 2 See p. 117. 130 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 to acquire knowledge and information of what the country contains. By making this exploration with proper care and dili- gence it will be learned at once what there is along the sea and its coasts, and what people and wealth the region con- tains; and in what places settlements of Spaniards can be made, from which the religious may go to preach the Holy Gospel and convert souls to our holy Catholic faith. It will be learned, likewise, in what place and region is situated the Tizon River, which comes from New Mexico, how it is situated, what advantages it possesses, and what the distance is from there to the Spanish pueblos;1 for if it is as they say, and as I mentioned in the last chapter of the report which I made of this exploration, his Majesty could order it settled, so that by this route supplies might be taken to the people of that realm. And from the settlements could be brought to them the necessary live stock and supplies, both for settling the coast and for sustenance. For it is said that it is no more than fifty leagues from one place to the other. Personally, I think it will be very well that the pacifica- tion of the realm of New Mexico should begin at the port of Tizon River, since it is said that the best and richest settle- ments are on that border; for near there are the Lake of Gold,2 and the pueblos of the Crowned King (Rey Coro- nado), and many people. For the preservation of the set- tlement on the Tizon River it will be very important that opposite it, in the realm and on the coast of California, an- other Spanish settlement be made, that they may communi- cate and trade one with another, and lend aid in case of need. Thereby each will stimulate the other to discover new lands and riches, and all may enjoy very good pearl fisheries and mineral wealth, those of New Mexico enjoying the wealth from the Lake of Gold, and those of the Californias that from some rich mountains which are on that border or near it and have an abundance of rich silver ore. Both of these God created for the service of man, as lures, I think, so that in the interest of these temporal things the king, our lord, 1 Of New Mexico. 2 For reference to the Laguna de Oro, see the documents of the Espejo and Onate expeditions, pp. 156, 184, 186. 1603] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSI6N 131 might send his vassals to discover and enjoy them, and, in their company, friars and ministers of the Gospel to under- take the conversion of those natives. XVIII. Of the reports brought back by those who may go on the ships for this exploration, both of what they may have seen and what they may have heard and learned, one may be given to his Majesty and his Royal Council of the Indies, that he may provide and order what is most fitting to his royal service and to the aggrandizement of his royal crown. I think it would be a matter of great importance to all these western nations of his Majesty if the navigation of the Strait of Anian should be discovered for Spain, as well as the rich city of Quivira, and the position of the realm of Anian, which is understood to be continuous with the realms of China. This will be discovering here another new world, to the end that in all of it may be preached the Holy Gospel, and the conversion undertaken of the many souls throughout its whole extent who live without religion or knowledge of the true God or of his most sacred law. Since all have been ransomed by the most precious blood of Our Redeemer and Lord Jesus Christ, it is a very great pity that they should be condemned for want of this light and the knowledge of the truth. May His most Holy Majesty, for He created them and died for them, grant that to so many and various nations of lands so remote and as yet undiscovered, knowledge be given of His most holy law, that they may receive and be- lieve it, and that by means of holy baptism their souls may be saved, and that they may enjoy it. As this realm of the Californias becomes pacified and its natives become converted to our holy Catholic faith, the Spaniards can go on settling other districts and places suitable for effecting the conversion of souls, and affording them profits and advantages ; for if the Spaniard does not see any advan- tage he will not be moved to do good, and these souls will perish without remedy if it is understood that no profit will be drawn from going there. But if they are lured by self- interest they will go on discovering new lands every day, so 132 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 much, indeed, that it will be necessary to keep them in check lest the forces be weakened, as I have already observed above. If it should seem best to his Majesty, he can command that his Spaniards go by land to settle, some at the port of San Diego, of which I have treated in number X., and others at the port of Monterey, of which I have treated in number XI. ; for to endeavor to go by sea to settle there will be a very great and difficult task, on account of the head-winds that prevail along that coast, and because of the great difficulty of sailing there, as I have seen and experienced.1 XIX. As time and occasion offer themselves for dealing with the Indians, the Spaniards will have opportunity to learn how to treat them and how to conduct themselves toward them, and on what occasions and for what causes they may make war upon them, or aid the friendly Indians against their enemies and opponents. Of this I treated at length in a tract which I composed in regard to these things, entitled, " Concerning the method to be observed in preaching the Holy Gospel to the heathen Indians," which is in a preceding part of this note- book. There I state that it is not meet that any war should be made upon the Indians without the counsel and consent of the religious whom the general, captains, and soldiers ac- company, in order that everything may be done with devo- tion and a Christian and pious heart, and the gospel preached with peace, suavity, quietude, love, and sweetness, as our Master and Redeemer Jesus Christ commands us, of which I treated in paragraph VII. It is well founded in reason and justice that, since the king makes this expedition at his own expense, no other than his own Spanish subjects should undertake it, for they are earn- ing their wages, and they run like faithful vassals to fulfill the orders and mandates given them, not departing in the least from them, as is the practice of Spanish soldiery everywhere ; and for this and other reasons, which I have set forth in the treatise mentioned, paragraph V., it is well that his Majesty should xThis suggestion forecasts the method of settling California pursued by the Portola and Anza expeditions, of 1769 and 1775. 1603] REPORT OF FATHER ASCENSION 133 make these pacifications at his own expense, and that he should commit them to no one else. And in order that the soldiers may go with subjection and obedience to their superiors, the Spaniards who may be sent by his Majesty on this expedition for the pacification and settlement of this region should be warned that they go not to win land or vassals for themselves, but for the monarchs of Castile, who send them ; for it is not right that his Majesty should make rewards of pueblos, or of Indians who are being pacified and converted to our holy faith, to any Spaniard, however great services he may have rendered his Majesty in these realms.1 For his Majesty will not be able to do so with a good conscience, and it will cause the total ruin and destruction of all the Indians, as happened in the beginning, when all these realms of New Spain were conquered, and as was experienced in the Windward Islands and on the Tierra Firme, as the Bishop of Chiapa, Don Fray Bartolome de las Casas, relates and discusses at very great length in a treatise2 written in regard to this point, namely, that it is not fitting to give the Indians in encomienda to the Spaniards. He proves it with great erudition, and I refer to it in the treatise cited in paragraph XII. XX. Our very Catholic and most Christian King Philip, king of Spain and supreme emperor of the Western Indies, by reason of the sovereign rule he exercises over them, is obliged in con- science and in justice, and by human and divine law, to pro- cure the conversion of all the Indians of the Western Indies, the obligation being the greater toward those realms already known and discovered, as is now this realm of the Calif ornias, which has been treated of here ; since it is already known and discovered, and the people in it are known, and since it is known how apt and inclined they are to receive our holy 1 Father Ascension makes it plain here as elsewhere that he favors the supremacy of the religious in the pacification. He clearly does not favor pro- prietary entradas like that of Ofiate, nor encomiendas, which were granted in New Mexico. 2 The reference is to Bishop Bartolome de las Casas's Brevissima Relation de la Distruycion de las India* (Seville, 1552). 134 CALIFORNIA: VIZCAINO EXPEDITION [1603 Catholic faith. And here I have discussed the manner by which his Majesty will be able at very little cost to send peo- ple to pacify this realm and to preach the Gospel to the na- tives, to convert them to our holy faith. This obligation of his Majesty to hasten to the conversion of these souls, devoting to it all care, solicitude, and diligence, even if it be at a great expense to his royal estate, is treated of by the Bishop of Chiapa, Don Fray Bartolome de las Casas, in a book1 entitled "A Treatise proving the sovereign empire and universal principate which the monarchs of Castile and Leon hold over the Indies," to which I refer in the treatise cited, paragraph I. This being granted, I do not know what secu- rity his Majesty can have in his conscience for delaying so long to send ministers of the Gospel to this realm of the Calif ornias. By coming to their aid, conscience will be satisfied and obliga- tion fulfilled. It can be done with ease and little cost, and the result will be the winning of so many souls for God, while to his Majesty will follow increased rewards in heaven, and on earth the lordship over a new world and infinite riches. May God our Lord dispose his mind so to lend aid as will please Him best. Amen. Written in the convent of San Sebastian, of the Order of Discalced Carmelites, in the City of Mexico, on the 12th of October of the year 1620. And to give it greater credence I signed it with my name. Fray Antonio de la Ascension. 1 The reference is evidently to Las Casas's Treynte Proposiciones muy juri- dicas, etc. (Seville, 1552). II. EXPLORATION AND SETTLEMENT IN NEW MEXICO AND IN ADJA- CENT REGIONS, 1581-1605 1. THE RODRIGUEZ EXPEDITION, 1581 L INTRODUCTION The renewed activities on the Pacific coast at the turn of the century, as exemplified by the two expeditions of Vizcaino, were preceded and stimulated by a new advance into the northern interior. Coronado's expedition into New Mexico had proved disappointing and for nearly four decades no further explorations were made in the region, according to the present state of our knowledge. Nevertheless, during that time the frontier of settlement was pushed rapidly northward, and a new line of approach to New Mexico was opened by way of the great central plateau. In the forward moving column were explorers, missionaries, miners, and cattlemen. Zacatecas was founded in 1548, Durango in 1563, and with the opening of the mines of Santa Barbara, Parral, San Bartolome, and other places in their vicinity, before 1580, the frontier of settlement reached the head of the Conchos River. It was this stream which furnished the new avenue of approach to New Mexico. The military frontier had proceeded even further, for, in pursuit of marauding Indians, as well as in search of mines and slaves, the frontier garrisons had made many forays to the interior beyond Santa Barbara. In this way they had heard new reports of the Pueblo region, which had never been forgotten. About 1579 an Indian captured during one of these raids told at Santa Barbara of a country to the north where there were large settlements of people who raised cotton for clothing, and had a plentiful food supply. Upon hear- 137 138 NEW MEXICO: RODRIGUEZ EXPEDITION ing this report, Fray Agustin Rodriguez, a Franciscan lay brother, stationed at San Bartolome, began to plan with some of the soldiers to make an expedition to the region thus de- scribed. Fray Agustin went to Mexico to get permission from the viceroy, and the outcome was the expedition narrated in the documents which follow. The party comprised three friars, nine soldiers, and some sixteen Indian servants. Fray Agustin Rodriguez, the or- ganizer of the enterprise, was a native of Niebla, Spain. Fray Francisco Lopez, who went as superior to the missionaries, was an Andalusian. The third friar, Juan de Santa Maria, was a Catalan, versed in astrology. The commander of the soldiers was Francisco Sanchez, commonly called Chamuscado. The career and calling of Hernando Gallegos, one of the fol- lowers of Sanchez, were typical of that far northern frontier and significant of the interests in whose behalf the frontier was being extended. He was a native of Spain, had spent eight years in Mexico as a prospector and soldier, and was among those who had made expeditions beyond the mines against the Indians. Leaving Santa Barbara on June 5, 1581, the party of about twenty-eight persons passed down the Conchos River to the Rio Grande. Following that stream for many leagues through a settled country and then for nineteen or twenty days through a desert, they reached the first pueblos in the region of Socorro. From there they continued up the river, fifty leagues accord- ing to one witness, passing numerous pueblos on the way, to the Tigua towns about Bernalillo. Against the advice of the rest, Father Santa Maria now set out alone to report the dis- coveries in Mexico but was killed within a few days by the Maguas Indians. The rest of the party visited the salinas east of the Manzano Mountains, and the buffalo plains beyond INTRODUCTION 139 the Pecos. West of the river they visited Acoma and Zuni. Leaving the other missionaries at Puaray, near the present Bernalillo, the soldiers returned to Nueva Vizcaya. The expedition had important consequences. The re- ports made by Bustamante and Gallegos in Mexico in May, 1582, greatly interested the viceroy, and he thought at once of sending out another expedition, to aid the missionaries if they were still alive, and to explore in any case. News re- ceived later that Father Lopez had been killed at Puaray somewhat changed his plans but did not lessen his interest. Rodrigo del Rio de Losa, lieutenant-captain-general of Nueva Galicia, of whom the viceroy sought advice, now recommended an expedition of three hundred men, equipped to overawe the natives, settle New Mexico, explore and occupy the country beyond Quivira, and build two vessels on the northern strait if it should be reached. The men were to serve without pay, but were to be rewarded with titles of nobility, encomiendas, haciendas, and exemption from taxation. Truly the journey of Father Rodriguez had stirred up large ideas. When the matter was reported to the king he immediately ordered a contract made for the proposed undertaking. The principal published sources of information regarding the Rodriguez expedition are those printed hereinafter. In addition, there is a declaration by Hernando Gallegos, made before the viceroy on May 16, 1582, at the time when Bus- tamante gave his testimony. It is so nearly identical with that of Bustamante that it is not included here, but all essen- tial variations are indicated in the foot-notes to Bustamante's statement. All of these documents are published in Spanish in Pacheco and C&rdenas, Coleccidn de Documentor Ineditos, XV. 80-150, under the title "Testimonio dado en Mejico sobre el descubrimiento de doscientas leguas adelante, de las 140 NEW MEXICO: RODRIGUEZ EXPEDITION minas de Santa Bdrbola, Gobernacion de Diego de Ibarra; cuyo descubrimiento se hizo en virtud de cierta licencia que pidio Fr. Agustin Rodriguez y otros religiosos franciscos : Acompanan Relaciones de este descubrimiento y otros docu- mentos (Anos de 1582 y 1583). " This collection covers both the Rodriguez and the Espejo expeditions. The originals are in the Archivo de Indias at Seville, Patronato, est. 1, caj. 1. Two documents in the collection (pp. 137-146) not reproduced here are the opinions of Rodrigo del Rio referred to above. The "Relacion Breve" of Escalante and Barrando (the same as Barrado) is also printed in Spanish in the Cartas de Indias (pp. 230-233), published at Madrid in 1877 by the Ministerio de Fomento of Spain. So far as the editor is informed, none of these documents have hitherto been published in English. Some additional information regarding the Rodriguez expedi- tion is contained in the documents of the Espejo journey (see post). Bancroft, in his Arizona and New Mexico (pp. 79-80), gives extensive notes concerning accounts of the expedition in the older Spanish works. Two manuscript accounts of the greatest importance have recently come to light and will add much to our present knowl- edge of the Rodriguez expedition. They are: (1) Hernan Gallegos, "Relacion y concudio de el viage y subseso que Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado con ocho soldados sus com- paneros hizo en el descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico en Junio de 1581" (Archivo General de Indias, Patronato, 1-1-3/22). Gallegos was a member of the Rodriguez party. In his de- claration (Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 88-95) he states that he has "made a book, written by his hand, wherein he gives an account of all this journey which he has made, and which he has delivered to His Excellency." The "Relacion" noted above is doubtless the same. (2) Baltasar de Obregon, " Cro- INTRODUCTION 141 nica comentario 6 relaciones de los descubrimientos antiguos y modernos de N.E. y del Nuevo Mexico," 1584 (Archive* General de Indias, Patronato, 1-1-3/22). Obregon had been a member of the Ibarra exploring expedition, and had secured first-hand information regarding the Rodriguez and Espejo ex- peditions. The purpose of his Relation was to offer his ser- vices for further exploration and conquest in New Mexico.1 1 Copies of these two manuscripts are in the Edward E. Ayer Collection in the Newberry Library, Chicago, and have been used by the editor. DECLARATION OF PEDRO DE BUSTAMANTE, 15821 In the City of Mexico, New Spain, on the 16th day of the month of May, 1582, his Excellency Senor Don Lorenso Suarez de Mendoza, Count of Coruna, viceroy, governor and captain-general for his Majesty in this New Spain, and presi- dent of the Royal Audiencia which is located there, etc., said that, having been informed by Fray Agustin Rodriguez, of the order of San Francisco, and other religious of that order, that they desired to go to preach the gospel beyond the mines of Santa Barbola2 and the government of Diego de Ibarra3, in a certain new land which they heard must be a place wThere they could obtain very fruitful results, he gave them permis- sion in the name of his Majesty to go to discover said land and the people who might be in it; and that for the safety of their persons, and in order that thereby they might be able to preach the gospel, he granted that as many as twenty men might go with them. And it appears that, conforming to said permit, these religious and eight4 of the said men 1 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 80-88. 2 Santa Barbara is a mining town in Chihuahua, near the southern boundary of the state. It was founded about 1563 by Rodrigo del Rio de Losa, under the direction of Francisco de Ibarra, founder of Nueva Vizcaya (Bancroft, North Mexican States, I. 106). 3 Diego de Ibarra was evidently the successor of Francisco de Ibarra. In 1576 the Licenciate Ibarra was sent from Spain to take the place of his brother, Francisco, as governor of Nueva Vizcaya. On October, 1576, the viceroy wrote to the king: "Dize V.M. quen lugar de Francisco de Ybarra, governador que fue de la Nueva Vizcaya, a hecho V.M. merced de proveer al licenciado Ibarra, su hermano, y que vendria en esta flota." (Cartas de Indias, p. 325 ; see also Ban- croft, North Mexican States, I. 112). 4 Evidently there were eight men besides the leader, Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado. The "Relacion Breve y Verdadera," by Escalante and Barrado (Barrando), translated hereinafter, gives the number as nine, and Bancroft was able to find the names of nine. See pp. 138, 168. 142 1581-1582] DECLARATION OF BUSTAMANTE 143 set forth; and yesterday, the 15th of the present month, there came to this city two of the men who accompanied the said religious, who report that they discovered and ex- plored, two hundred leagues beyond the said mines of Santa Barbola, which are within the government of Diego de Ibarra, a land thickly settled with pueblos of Indians who wear clothes and who live in a civilized way like the people of this New Spain, and that they had learned that beyond was much more land, settled by many pueblos of civilized people. In order to learn the facts in the case, he ordered taken the sworn testimony of these two men, who, as has been said, have come out and come to this city; all of which was done in the following manner : At once oath was administered to and sworn in due form, in the name of God and Holy Mary, and with a sign of the cross, by Pedro de Bustamante, who is one of the said two men who came to this city. Under this oath he promised to tell the truth, and after he had taken it the following questions were asked him : He was asked his name and his birthplace, and he replied that his name was Pedro de Bustamante, and that he was a native of a pueblo called Carancejas, of La Montana del Valle de Cavezon, near the Villa de Santillana. He was asked how long since he had come to this New Spain, and he replied that it was some ten years, more or less. He was asked what had been his occupation since coming to this New Spain, and he said that the first three years he spent in prospecting for mines, and that the remaining seven he had been a soldier serving his Majesty in the government of Diego de Ibarra. He was asked if he was one of the eight soldiers who had accompanied Fray Agustin Rodriguez, of the Order of San Francisco, and the other religious1 who went with him ; and who had solicited his services for the said journey; and with what object and purpose he had gone. He answered that it was true that he was one of those who accompanied the said religious, and that what particularly influenced him to make the journey with them was his desire to serve our 1 The names of the other friars are given on p. 138. 144 NEW MEXICO: RODRIGUEZ EXPEDITION [1581-1582 Lord and his Majesty ; that no one persuaded him to do so, but, on the contrary, with the desire already stated, he and the said religious had planned for more than two years to go on the journey, and that he had tried to enlist the others who went. He was asked, since he said that for more than two years he was talking of and planning to make the journey, what information he had of the country leading him to believe that it was worth while; and he replied that the reason why they planned the journey was because an Indian1 had told him that beyond the government of Diego de Ibarra there was a certain settlement of Indians who had cotton, and made cloth with which they clothed themselves; and that besides he was influenced by hearing of the account given by Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Baca,2 in a book which he wrote regarding a journey that he made coming from Florida to this New Spain. Being asked what authority he and the rest who went with him had for making the journey ; and how they provided themselves with arms, horses, and the other necessary equip- ment which they carried to make it, and what servants they had, he said that the journey having been decided and agreed upon between the witness, his companions, and the religious, they equipped and provided themselves with arms for their persons, that is, coats of mail, arquebuses, armored horses, and an Indian servant apiece, while the friars took seven Indians from the mines of Santa Barbola, amongst whom was a half-breed. Being asked what route they took, having set out from the mines of Santa Bdrbola and the journey having been 1 Gallegos says that he "had made, together with leaders and captains named for this purpose, many journeys into the interior beyond Santa Barbola in pur- suit of thieving Indians," and that through an Indian captured in an expedition he had learned of the country beyond. He states also that for two years he had discussed the matter with Fray Agustin and Francisco Sanchez (Chamuscado), and that together they had persuaded the others to go. Thus it is not quite clear who played the leading part in organizing the party (Declaration of Hernando Gallegos, in Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 88-89). 2 Gallegos puts it somewhat differently, saying that they were guided (guian- dose) by the relation of Cabeza de Vaca. He perhaps means that they were guided by it in forming their opinion (ibid., p. 89). 1581-1582] DECLARATION OF BUSTAMANTE 145 begun, and through what pueblos and provinces they passed, he replied that on the 6th of June1 of last year, 1581, he, his companions, and the religious set out from the valley of San Gregorio,2 of the jurisdiction of Santa Barbola, Nueva Vizcaya, and went down the same valley until they came to the river called Concha,3 where they found a little settle- ment of the wild4 Indians, who were naked and lived on roots and other things found in the fields; and following down the river, they came to another to which they gave the name of the Guadalquivir,5 because it was large and carried an abundance of water. On this river they found other Indians of different nation and tongue from those of the Concha, although they too are naked like the latter. These and the others received them peacefully, and willingly of- fered them of what they had, and when inquiry was made of them as to whether there were more settlements beyond, they said yes, and that they were a people naked like them- selves, and hostile to and at war with them. And so they continued up the same river for twenty days,6 through eighty leagues of uninhabited country, until they came to a settlement to which they gave the name of the province of Sant Felipe.7 There they found a permanent xIt will be seen by comparing these documents that the expedition left Santa Barbara on the 5th, and San Gregorio on the 6th. See post, p. 154. Bancroft and those who follow him give the 6th as the date of leaving San Bartolome (Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, p. 76 ; Twitchell, Leading Facts of New Mexi- can History, I. 256). 2 San Gregorio is in the valley of a small stream running northeastward from Santa Barbara to the Rio Florido, the main southern branch of the Conchos River. The route evidently was directly northeastward to the neighborhood of the present Jimenez. 3 The Conchos River. It heads in southern Chihuahua and flows north- eastward into the Rio Grande at Ojinaga, Chihuahua. 4 Chichimeco, at first applied to a single wild tribe of Indians of central Mexico, came to be a generic term for the wild tribes, as opposed to the settled and more civilized tribes. 6 In honor, of course, of the Guadalquivir River of Spain. 6 The account of Escalante and Barrado (Barrando) given later, says nine- teen days. Gallegos says twenty days. 7 Bancroft located San Felipe in the Socorro region, which Coronado had visited (Arizona and New Mexico, pp. 76, 77) ; Twitchell identifies it, a little more exactly, with San Marcial, the Piro village named Tre-na-quel, visited by Coro- nado's men, in 1542 (Leading Facts of New Mexican History, I. 256). 146 NEW MEXICO: RODRIGUEZ EXPEDITION [1581-1582 pueblo with houses two stories high and of good appearance, built of mud walls and white inside, the people being dressed in cotton mantas with shirts of the same. They learned that away from the river on both sides there were many other pueblos of Indians of the same nation, who also received them peacefully and gave them of what they had, namely, maize, gourds, beans, chickens, and other things, which is what they live upon. Inquiry being made as to whether there were more settlements of people, by signs the natives replied in the affirmative. With this information they passed on up the same river, and found many pueblos along the road they travelled, as well as others off to the sides, which were to be seen from the road; and they came to another nation of Indians of different tongue and dress, where they were also received peacefully and gladly by the Indians, who kissed the hands of the religious. These Indians are also clothed1 and have three-story houses, whitewashed and painted inside; and they plant many fields of maize, beans, and gourds, and raise many chickens. From there they passed on to another nation,2 dwelling further up the same river. These were the finest people of all they had met, possessing better pueblos and houses, and were the ones who treated them best, giving them the most generously of whatever they had. They have well-built houses of four and five stories,3 with corridors and rooms twenty-four feet long and thirteen feet wide, whitewashed and painted. They have very good plazas, and leading from one to the other there are streets along which they pass in good order. Like the others, they have a good supply of provisions. Two or three leagues distant are other pueblos of the same nation, and consisting of three or four hundred 1 Gallegos says "dressed in cotton cloth and shirts.' * 2 Probably the Puaray mentioned farther along in the narrative. Puaray was the principal pueblo of the province of Tiguex in Coronado's time. Its ruins have been located by Bandelier opposite Bernalillo (A. F. Bandelier, Final Report, II. 226; Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, II. 313). For new light on the location of Puaray, see Charles W. Hackett, "The Location of the Tigua Pueblos of Alameda, Puaray, and Sandia in 1680-168 1," in Old Santa Fe, II. 381-391. 3 Gallegos says "four, five, and six stories." 1581-1582] DECLARATION OF BUSTAMANTE 147 houses, built in the same fashion. They dress in cotton like the foregoing nations. He said that up to this point they had always been trav- elling north. Leaving the river one day's journey and con- tinuing north, they saw a large pueblo of four or five hun- dred dwellings, more or less. On reaching it they saw that the houses of the Indians were of four or five stories, and they named it Tlascala,1 because it was so large. They were re- ceived peacefully there, as they had been in the other pueblos. There they were informed by the natives themselves that there was a very large settlement of Indians ten days' journey in the same northerly direction which they were following ; but because of a lack of shoes for the horses and of clothing for himself and the rest of the men, they did not dare to go far- ther, but returned over the same road by which they had gone. From one of the pueblos which they had passed through and had named Castildavid, they crossed the river to the south,2 following along a small river3 which joined the other, and went to see three pueblos of which they had heard. The first two of them had as many as two hundred dwellings and the other as many as seventy.4 In this last pueblo they learned of eleven others, further up the river, of a different nation and tongue from these. To the valley where the three pueblos were they gave the name of Valleviciosa.5 They did not go to see them [the eleven] because they wished to go to find the cows which they had been informed existed in large numbers some thirty leagues distant, more or less. Accordingly, they went in search of them, travelling the said thirty leagues in a roundabout course, because the guide 1 This may have been northwest of Bernalillo, in the Xemes River valley. Gallegos says: "They named it Tlaxcala because of its size and because it re- sembled the city of Tlaxcala" (Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 92). The allusion is to Tlas- cala, an important city in Mexico east of the capital. During the conquest it gave stubborn resistance to Cortes, but later became a firm ally of the Spaniards. 2 "South" here probably means "west." 8 This was probably the Jemez River. 4 Gallegos says "about seventy or eighty." 6 Gallegos is directly in conflict with Bustamante here, stating that "Valle Viciosa" was the name given to the valley of the eleven pueblos of which they had heard, instead of that of the three where they were (Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 92). \ 148 NEW MEXICO: RODRIGUEZ EXPEDITION [1581-1582 who conducted them took them that way, which appeared different from the route described to them by the natives, for if they had gone by a direct road they would have arrived more quickly. Reaching some plains and water-holes, which they gave the name Los Llanos de San Francisco and Aguas Zarcas, they saw many herds of cows that come there to drink. They go in herds of two and three hundred ; they are hump- backed, shaggy, small-horned, thick set, and low of body. There they found a rancheria of naked Indians of a different nation from those they had left behind, going to kill cattle for their food. They carried their provisions of maize and dates1 loaded on dogs which they raise for this purpose. This witness and his companions killed with their arquebuses as many as forty cattle, made jerked beef, and returned to the settlement whence they had set out. From there they returned down the river through the same country they had traversed, until they came to a pueblo called Puaray.2 Here they heard of a certain valley and settlement of a different tongue, called Valle de Cami, south of the river.3 On hearing this news they went forth and reached the said valley, where they found six pueblos of thirty, forty, and even one hundred houses, with many Indians clothed in the same 1 The word is d&til, which means the fruit of the common date palm. 2 See note 2, p. 146, above. According to Gallegos's "Relacion" and Obregon's "Cronica," Father Santa Maria set out from the Province of San Felipe alone and against advice to tell in Mexico the news of the discoveries. He was killed shortly afterward by wandering people of the Sierra Morena, but the others did not hear of his death till they returned from the buffalo plains. On September 28 they left Pueblo de Malpartida to go to the buffalo; on October 10 they reached Valle de San Francisco, and on the 19th set out to return. Reaching the Rio Grande they set up camp at Pueblo de Piedra y Taques, where they de- manded provisions with threats of force. They now heard of Father Santa Maria's death, but tried to conceal it, lest they be considered vulnerable. An Indian attack was threatened, and they moved to Pueblo de Mai Puesto, where the Indians killed three of their horses. Three Indians were captured and sen- tenced by Chamuscado to be hanged, but the missionaries interfered. During the remainder of their explorations the party was constantly in danger. When the soldiers set out to return they left horses, goats, merchandise, and ornaments with the missionaries at Puaray. It was for these things, says Obregon, that the Indians killed them. 3 "South" here means "west." Gallegos (Relacion) mentions both Acoma and Zuni as pueblos visited. 1581-1582] DECLARATION OF BUSTAMANTE 149 manner as the others,1 the houses being of two and three stories and built of stone. While there they told them of the Valle de Asay,2 where there were five large pueblos with many I people. According to the signs which the Indians made, 1 they understood that two of the pueblos were very large, and that in all of them large quantities of cotton were raised, more than in any other place which they had seen. But, owing to a snowfall,3 they could not go forward and were forced to return to the said pueblo of Puaray, whence they had set out. Learning there of some salines lying four- teen leagues from the said pueblo, they went to see them and found that they were behind a mountain range which they named Sierra Morena.4 They are the best that have been discovered up to the present, and extend, in the opinion of this witness and the rest, five leagues. They provided them- selves with what they needed, and of it brought to his Excel- lency the quantity which he has seen.5 Near these salines were seen many other pueblos, which they visited. They had the same appearance as the others. The natives informed them of three other pueblos, which they represented as being6 near these salines and very large. From here they returned to the pueblo of Puaray, where they had left the religious, the horses, and the rest of the things which they possessed, and from this pueblo they re- turned along the same route by which they had gone. In the said pueblo the religious remained with the Indian ser- vants whom they had taken, among them being a half-breed.7 This witness and the rest of the soldiers returned with their leader to Santa Barbola, whence they had set out with the com- 1Gallegos says "dressed in shirts, cotton blankets, and hide shoes with soles" (Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 93). 2 Gallegos says "Osay." Bandelier was of the opinion, and I concur in it, that Cami was Zuni (Final Report, II. 228). In that case Osay, or Asay, might have been Oraibi, one of the Moqui pueblos. 3 Gallegos adds that it was now December. * The Sierra Morena was evidently the Manzano Mountains, east of which lie extensive salines (Bandelier, Final Report, II. 253-254). B Gallegos says the viceroy was pleased with the samples (Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 94). 6 Bigurificaban. 7 Gallegos tells us that his name was Juan Bautista (Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 94). 150 NEW MEXICO: RODRIGUEZ EXPEDITION [1581-1582 mission of his Excellency, and came to report to him what they had seen and discovered. He said that in the course of the journey, in some pueblos, they found and explored five1 mine prospects which appeared to them good, but because they did not go prepared they did not assay them ; nor did they dare to bring any Indians from those parts, although they attempted to do so through kind- ness and the promise of gifts, but the Indians would not agree to it,2 and they did not dare to use force lest they should anger them. He said that besides the aforesaid mine prospects, they told them of many others, and that this is the truth by the oath he has taken ; and he approved, ratified, and signed it in his name.3 He said that he was thirty-four years of age, and that their leader, named Francisco Sanches Chamuscado, died4 thirty leagues from Santa Barbola while coming hither with this witness and Hernan Gallegos, his companion, to re- port what they had seen. — Pedro de Bustamante. Before me, Juan be Cueva.5 1 Escalante says that eleven mines were discovered (see p. 157, post). Ga- llegos says that besides those discovered, many more, rich in silver, were heard of (Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 95). 2 Gallegos says that the Indians refused to mount the horses (ibid.). 3 Gallegos adds (ibid.) that the distance from Mexico City to the country discovered was four hundred leagues, mainly over level road, passable for men on horseback, with pack trains, or with carts. 4 On the way back from New Mexico Chamuscado, who was more than sixty years old, fell ill. He was bled, and long halts were made to give him rest. As he got no better, he was carried between two horses on a litter made of poles cut with sabres, and of thongs from the hide of a horse killed for the purpose. Thirty leagues before reaching Santa Barbara he died (Gallegos's Relation, cap. XV). 5 The declaration of Hernando Gallegos which follows here in the Coleccion, pp. 88-95, is omitted, since it is nearly identical with the foregoing deposition. DECLARATION OF HERNANDO BARRADO, 1582.1 After the foregoing, in the said city of Mexico, on the 20th day of the month of October, 1582, the said Senor Viceroy stated that whereas he was informed that the Indians who were discovered in this new land had killed the religious who had remained with them to teach and instruct them in matters pertaining to the holy Catholic faith, in order that his Majesty might be informed of everything he ordered that new testi- mony relative thereto be obtained ; and to this end oath was administered in legal form to Hernando Barrado, a Spaniard who, it is said, went to the new land with the other soldiers who went to it. He took the oath in the name of God our Lord and of Holy Mary His Mother, making the sign of the cross with his right hand, under charge of which he promised to tell the truth. And being asked in regard to the foregoing, this witness said that what he knows of the matter is that he is one of the eight soldiers who went into the interior with the leader, Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, in company with Fray Agus- tin Rodriguez, of the order of San Francisco, and two other religious ; that they succeeded in seeing all the settlements of the Indians which are referred to in the declaration of the two soldiers,2 his companions, which has been shown to him ; and that he knows that what they said and declared about the matter is the truth, and so happened, because he was a witness to it all. At the time when this witness went into the interior, he took in his service an Indian named Geronimo, of the Concho nation, from near Santa B&rbola, of the kingdom of Nueva 1 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 95-97. 2 The reference is to the declarations by Bustamante and Gallegos. See pp. 139, 142-149. 151 152 NEW MEXICO: RODRIGUEZ EXPEDITION [1581-1582 Vizcaya, and when they agreed with the said leader and the other companions to return to this New Spain to report what they had seen and discovered, the said Indian, with two others, called Francisco and Andres, and a mestizo and some Indian boys, remained voluntarily with the religious in the settle- ment which they call Puaray. And after having returned to Santa Barbola, of the said kingdom of Nueva Galicia [sic], this witness being in the convent of the said pueblo, some three months ago, he saw there the said Francisco, one of the Indians who had remained with the religious. Being sur- prised at this, he spoke to him, and asked him how he hap- pened to be there, and to have returned from the new land where he had left him. He replied that the Indians of that land of Puaray had killed Fray Francisco Lopez, the guardian, and that he had seen him buried. On telling Fray Agustin, his companion, of it, they became excited, and without waiting to see more he and the other two Indians, Andres and Gero- nimo, came away, through the Concho country, coming round- about by almost the same route as they had gone. When they came away they heard many outcries and a tumult in the pueblo, wherefore he believed that they had killed1 the rest of the religious and the Indian boys who remained there and had been unable to come with them. The one of his companions called Andres had been killed by certain Indians in a settlement which they came upon between those of the Concho nation and the Tatarabueyes,2 and only the Indian Geronimo, who had been a servant of this witness, had escaped with him. And this witness, coming afterwards through the mines of Zacatecas, came across the said Indian Geronimo, who was being brought to this city by the other soldiers, companions of this witness ; and he talked with him, and learned the same as what the other Indian, Francisco, had told him. From the said mines they all came together to this city of Mexico, and the said Indian saw his Excellency and spoke with him. A 1 For the different versions of the death of the missionaries, see Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, p. 79, note 7; Bandelier, Final Report, II. 227-228. See also p. 148, note 2, and p. 168, note 3. 2 The Patarabueyes, or Jumanos, who lived on the Rio Grande near the junction with the Conchos River. See p. 172, below. 1581-1582] DECLARATION OF BARRADO 153 few days ago he disappeared, and the witness has not seen him since, but he understands that he has returned to his own country. He says that this is the truth by the oath he has taken ; and he affirmed, ratified, and signed it. He said he was more than fifty years old. — Hernando Barrado. Before me, Juan de Cueva. Copied and compared with the original which is in my possession. Joan de Cueva. There is a rubric. BRIEF AND TRUE ACCOUNT OF THE EXPLORATION OF NEW MEXICO, 1583 * Brief and true Account of the Exploration of New Mexico, which we Nine2 Companions explored, when we went from Santa Bdlbola in company with three Religious of the Order of Saint Francis. We, the said nine companions, set out from Santa Bal- bola to undertake our journey, our sole object being to serve God our Lord and his Majesty, by estabhshing the Holy Gospel wherever we might find a suitable place and wherever the Divine Majesty might guide us. We left on the 5th of June,3 1581, and travelled thirty-one days4 from the time when we departed from Santa Balbola through a country of naked barbarian people. They are very poor and have noth- ing to eat except roots and prickly pears. Continuing our journey from here, we left this people and travelled nine- | teen5 days with great hardship and disappointments, and without being able to see any people or any living thing. At the end of that time, on the eve of the feast of the As- sumption of Our Lady,6 our Lord was pleased to show us a naked Indian. We asked him by signs where maize could be found, and he replied that one day's journey from there we should find it in plenty. This information was obtained by showing him two or three kernels of maize. He said there was a great quantity, and told us that the natives were dressed 1 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 146-150. 2 This is one of the evidences that there were eight men besides the leader, Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado. See p. 142, note 4. 3 The other documents give June 6 as the date of leaving Valle de San Gregorio. Some secondary authorities have failed to note the full evidence of the documents on this point. 4 This passage is our source for the time spent in reaching the Rio Grande. 6 Bustamante and Gallegos say twenty. See p. 145. 6 Nuestra Sefiora de Agosto, day of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, August 15. 154 ' 1581-1582] NARRATIVE OF ESCALANTE AND BARRADO 155 in clothing the color of our shirts, and that they had houses. All this was by gestures and by signs which he made upon the ground. This pleased us greatly, for already we were in need of provisions, and we kept the Indian for three days, so that he might take us where he said. He did so and we found all to be true as he had stated, for on August 211 we discov- ered a pueblo of forty-five houses of two and three stories.2 We also found great fields of maize, beans, and gourds, whereat we gave thanks to our Lord for having provided us with sup- plies. We all entered into the said pueblo, well equipped, ready for war in case it should be necessary. That, however, was not our intention, for we were guided only by peace and love, and by a desire to bring the natives to the fold of our holy Catholic faith. In our midst we took three religious, bearing crosses in their hands and around their necks. Thus we entered into the pueblo, but we found no one there,3 for they had not dared to wait for us, not knowing what we were, as our entrance was made upon armored horses. Seeing this, we immediately left the pueblo, travelling through fields ,of maize for about half a league, when we discovered five more pueblos. In the open we pitched our camp and agreed not to go on until we had won over those natives and made friends of them. At the end of two days a cacique came with three Indians to see who we were, and by signs we saluted one another. They came near to us and we gave them iron hawk's bells, playing cards, and other trinkets, and thus made them friends. They went and summoned the rest of the people, who came in great numbers to see us, saying to each other that we were children of the Sun. They gave us maize, beans, gourds, cotton mantas (blankets), and tanned cowhides. We remained four days in their midst, and in that space of time we learned from them, through signs, that beyond as well as to the sides there were great numbers of pueblos. 1 Bancroft calls attention to the discrepancy here in dates (Arizona and New Mexico, p. 77, note 4). 2 See 7, p. 145, above. 3 Note a discrepancy between this and Bustamante's account of the re- ception. See p. 146. 156 NEW MEXICO: RODRIGUEZ EXPEDITION [1581-1582 From there we travelled up stream for fifty leagues,1 and along the river and to the sides, within the distance of about a day's journey, we discovered, saw, and passed sixty-one pueblos, all peopled with clothed natives. These pueblos are in good sites and on good and level land. The houses are close together and the plazas and streets all well arranged. They have turkeys, which they raise. It seemed to us all that the sixty-one pueblos which we saw and visited must contain more than one hundred and thirty thousand natives, all of whom wore clothes. In the said province there were more than as many more pueblos, equal to the largest, which we did not see, as we dared not go to them. Much cotton is raised there. Father Fray Bernaldino Beltran, of the Order of St. Francis, who went in after us, recently, ten months ago, with Antonio Despejo2 and fifteen soldiers, brought the news that he had discovered five pueblos in the said province containing3 more than fifty thousand souls. They gave them two thousand cotton mantas. Soon afterwards they discovered eleven more pueblos, of many people, as they report. They informed them of a very large lake,4 with many settlements and people, where the people travel in canoes, carrying in the prows large balls of brass color. They report that Antonio Despejo with eight companions is going in search of this lake. Of all this Father Fray Barnaldino Beltran will give complete and de- tailed information. We, the said nine companions and the three fathers, dis- | covered also, about thirty leagues to one side of said pueblos, an immense number of humpbacked cows, which have on their shoulders humps a cubit high. These cows are found over a continuous space of more than two hundred leagues in length ;5 the width we do not know. They are not very wild 1 This seems to be an estimate of the whole distance travelled up the river within the settled district. 2 Antonio de Espejo. Beltran went with Espejo but returned before him. Espejo had not yet returned when this relation was written. See post, p. 192. 3 Moqui. See p. 186. 4 The Laguna de Oro. See pp. 130, 184, 186. 5 This information must -have come from the Coronado expedition, or from reports given by the natives of New Mexico, for Chamuscado's men did not see two hundred leagues of buffalo plains. 1581-1582] NARRATIVE OF ESCALANTE AND BARRADO 157 i cattle, and they run but little. Their meat is better than that of this country, and the cattle are larger than those of this country. We also discovered in the said country eleven1 mine prospects, all having great veins of silver. From three of them pre was brought to this city and given to his Excel- lency. He sent it to the assayer of the mint to be assayed ; he assayed them and found one of the samples to be half sil- ver; another contained twenty marks per quintal, and the third five marks. For all this I refer you to the assayer for verification, for I repeat only what he stated. We also discovered in the said settlement a very rich sa- line containing a great quantity of granulated salt of good quality. Of it a sample was brought to his Excellency. The saline measures five leagues around.2 After stating the above I will add that we are ready and equipped, if his Majesty will give us permission, to go and settle and save so many souls which the devil holds captive, by teaching and instructing them berbo ad berbo,z as we say here. There are reports of much more wherein God our Lord may be served and the royal crown increased, as regards both vassals and royal fifths, for after the Spaniards have once entered into the said land, besides the mines which we have already discovered they will seek and discover many more, for the land abounds in them, as also in forests, pastures, and water. It is a land whose climate is a little cold, although not excessively so. Its temperature is like that of Castile. And if it is not settled soon those souls who are there will be in danger, and the royal crown of his Majesty will suffer great injury, as is patent. — Phelipe de Escalante. Her- nando Barrando. By order of the Illustrious Archbishop of Mexico, I ordered this account copied from the original, with which it agrees, Mexico, October 26, 1583.4 Joan de Aranda. There is a rubric. 1 Bustamante and Gallegos say five. See p. 150. 2 Bustamante and Gallegos say five leagues in extent. See p. 149. 3 Word for word. 4 The date of the declaration fell between the return of Beltran and this date given here. REPORT OF THE VICEROY TO THE KING, 15831 His Very Catholic and Royal Majesty : In November of last year, 1580, a friar named Fray Agus- tm Rodriguez, of the Order of San Francisco, came to me and told me that he desired to go to the interior to preach the Holy Gospel beyond the mines of Santa Barbola, which are in Nueva Vizcaya; and seeing his great zeal, and that it was reported that along the Conchas River were people where this good purpose might be effected, I granted him permis- sion to do so, and to take with him other religious, and as many as twenty men who might voluntarily wish to go with him, to protect them and as company ; and that they might take some things for barter ; and that the one whom the friar should name should go as leader,2 whom the others should obey, that they might not cause disorder. I did not give permission for more men to go, because your Majesty had issued instructions that no entries or new discoveries should be made without express permission from your Majesty. They entered with as many as eight men,3 who desired to go with them ; and it appears that they went along discover- ing some pueblos in a good country, fertile, and having a food supply, the people having better dress and appearance than those of the Conchas River. Fray Agustin Rodriguez decided to remain in one of them with a companion, and that the eight men should come to report what until then had been seen and discovered. I have had their depositions taken and am sending4 them herewith, attested, so that your Majesty may see them. And Rodrigo del Rio de Losa, lieu- tenant-captain-general in the province of Nueva Galicia, a man well informed and of much experience in expeditions, 1 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 97-100. 2 This is evidence that the purpose of the expedition was primarily religious. 3 See p. 142, note 4. 4 The text says envio, which is clearly a misprint for envio. 158 1581-1582] REPORT OF THE VICEROY 159 because he was in Florida with Don Tristan de Arellano1 and in Nueva Vizcaya with Francisco de Ibarra, being here at the time, I consulted with him as to what he thought was necessary in order to send men to learn about the friars and to endeavor to obtain information about all the country, and, particularly, that they might report of it here ; and he gave me the statement which I send2 herewith, signed by himself.3 While this was taking place there arrived a soldier with one of the Indians who had remained with the friars, who said that they had killed one of them in his presence, and that as he was fleeing hither that they might not kill him he heard cries and shouts in the pueblo, by which he understood that they must be killing the other friar. And I having consulted with the said Rodrigo del Rio, concerning this event also, and concerning what would be necessary to make a military expe- dition, both as to the number of men and the supplies, if your Majesty should deign so to order it, he made a full report, which is the one accompanying this, signed by himself, so that your Majesty may order it examined. From what can be gathered from the account given by these men, that country is densely populated and fertile; although they say they saw signs of mines, among the Indians no signs of gold or silver are found, or evidence that any metal has been taken out. Your Majesty will command the whole matter to be investigated, and will order what best suits your royal service, for in the meantime nothing more will be done in the affair. May God preserve the Very Catholic Royal person of your Majesty and increase your kingdoms and do- mains, as we the servants of your Majesty desire. Mexico, November 1, 1582. His very Catholic Royal Majesty. Your Majesty's servant kisses your Majesty's royal hands. The Count of Coruna. Rubric. [Endorsement.] On the cover is the following: "New Spain. To his Majesty, 1582. The viceroy, the Count of Coruna, November 1. Examined. Give this, with the papers 1 See Lowery, Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513-1561, pp. 357-374. 2 Envio, clearly a misprint for envio. 3 Del Rfo's statements are printed in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. Ined., XV. 137-146. 160 NEW MEXICO: RODRIGUEZ EXPEDITION [1581-1582 referred to, to a relator. There are two rubrics. Issue a c£dula addressed to the viceroy of New Spain, or to the per- son who in his place may be governing, so that, with respect to the exploration concerned in this letter and in the declara- tion and reports which he sends with it, he may make there a contract1 with the person whom he may think best fitted for it, in conformity with the ordinances relative to the matter, so that the expedition may be made without any expenditure whatsoever from the treasury of his Majesty ; and when the contract is made, before any of the conditions therein agreed upon are put into effect, let it be forwarded to the Council, so that, it having been examined, what is best may be pro- vided for. Madrid, March 29, 1583. Licentiate Banos. Two rubrics. Before me, Francisco de Ledesma. Rubric." 1 The contract was finally made with Juan de Onate. See post, p. 201. NEW MEXICO 2. THE ESPEJO EXPEDITION, 1582-1583 INTRODUCTION While the viceroy was discussing an expedition to New Mexico, more effective measures were being taken by the Franciscan order and a private citizen. On learning through the returning soldiers that the friars who went with Chamus- cado had been left alone in New Mexico, the Franciscans feared for the safety of their brethren and at once considered the organization of a rescue party. To lead it, Fray Bernal- dino Beltran, of the monastery of Durango, volunteered. Hearing of the project, Antonio de Espejo, a wealthy citizen of Mexico, who was in Nueva Vizcaya at the time, offered to equip and lead some soldiers as an escort, and to pay the ex- penses of Father Beltran. Through the efforts of the friar a license was secured from Captain Juan Ontiveras, alcalde mayor of Cuatro Cienegas, a settlement seventy leagues east of Santa Barbara, then in Nueva Vizcaya, but now in Coahuila. Enlisting fourteen or fifteen soldiers, on November 10, 1582, the expedition was begun at San Bartolome, a place nine leagues east of Santa Barbara. Besides Father Beltran, Espejo, the soldiers, and servants, there were several other persons in the party, as is shown by the documents.1 They 1The above account is based on the statement by Espejo, who does not give all the facts. The exact process by which the license was secured is not clear. The departure was attended by trouble and a conflict of interests. When the party set out on November 10 it consisted of Espejo, twelve other soldiers, Fray Pedro de Heredia, and Fray Bernaldino Beltran, servants, and interpreters. At that time Father Heredia was evidently the superior of the missionaries of the party and no captain had been appointed. The justicia of Santa Barbara for- bade their departure, but Father Heredia exhibited a license from Juan de Ibarra, teniente de gobernador of Nueva Vizcaya, permitting all who wished to go with him. The first night they were overtaken in camp by one Fray Luis with an 163 164 NEW MEXICO: ESPEJO EXPEDITION were equipped with one hundred and fifteen horses and mules. The start was made three or four months after news of the death of Father Lopez reached Santa Barbara and it can hardly be supposed that the report was unknown to Father Beltran and Espejo. Perhaps they hoped to find one at least of the friars still alive. No doubt Espejo at least was curious to see the country and regarded the journey as an opportunity for exploration. The route followed was that of the Rodriguez party, but the records tell us more of what they saw than do those of the earlier journey. Passing down the Rio Conchos, they went through the tribes of the Conchos, Pazaguantes, and Tobosos. On the Rio Grande, at the junction and for twelve days above, they passed through Jumano villages. Above the Jumano country, and apparently before reaching the river bend near El Paso, they encountered two tribes who lived in rancherias. They were probably the tribes later known as the Sumas and the Mansos. Next they travelled fifteen days, or eighty leagues, through an unsettled region. It was evidently the same unsettled stretch of eighty leagues reported by the Rodriguez party. Going twelve leagues further, passing a rancheria on the way, they entered the pueblo region. After passing for two days through a province in which they visited ten pueblos, seeing others at the right and left, they reached order from his custodio requiring Father Heredia to return, because Fray Luis, Fray Juan Bautista, and Fray Francisco de San Miguel were equipped for the journey. The soldiers insisted that Heredia should continue, since some of them would be ruined by the expense of the outfit if the enterprise were abandoned. He replied in writing that he would proceed. Fray Luis went back to San Gre- gorio to get his companions, and while there engaged in a quarrel with Father Heredia, who also returned. In the midst of it Heredia got a message from Ibarra asking him to await for ten or twelve days his coming with a license from Heredia's custodio. Thereupon Heredia sent word to the party to go ahead slowly and that he would overtake them. Meanwhile Miguel Sanchez Valenciano had re- turned to Valle de San Bartolome and got his wife, Casilda de Amaya, and three sons, Lazaro, Pedro, and Juan, of whom the last two were aged three and one- half years, and twenty months, respectively (Luxan, Entrada). INTRODUCTION 165 the borders of the province of the Tiguas, and learned that Fathers Lopez and Rodriguez had been killed at Puaray. The avowed purpose of the expedition had now been ac- complished, but Espejo, seconded by Father Beltran, decided to explore the country before returning. Going two days east with two companions, to the province of the Maguas, adja- cent to the buffalo country, Espejo learned that there Father Santa Maria had been killed before Chamuscado left New Mexico. Returning to the Tiguas, the whole party went six leagues to the Quires, and then visited Sia, fourteen leagues to the northwest, and the Emeges (Jemez), six leagues further north- west. Turning southwest, they now went to Acoma, and thence to Zuiii. At this point Father Beltran and about half of the party decided to return to Nueva Vizcaya. But Espejo and nine companions set out northward in search of a lake of gold said to be in that direction. He did not find the lake, but he visited the province of Mohoce (Moqui), and was given there a present of four thousand cotton blankets (man- tas). Sending these back to Zuni by five men, with the re- maining four Espejo went west in search of mines of which he had heard. After travelling forty-five leagues he found them in western Arizona, and secured rich ores. Returning to Zuni by a shorter and better route, he found Father Bel- tran and his companions still there. His party being increased by another of Espejo's men, Fray Beltran now returned to San Bartolome; but Espejo, bent on further explorations, turned east again and ascended the Rio Grande to the Quires. Going east from there six leagues, he visited the Ubates, and found mineral prospects near by. One day from the Ubates he visited the Tanos pueblos, who would neither admit him nor give him food. In view of this hostility and of the smallness of his party, Espejo now set out for home, but by a different route from 166 NEW MEXICO: ESPEJO EXPEDITION that of the entrance. Going to Cicquique (Cicuye), he de- scended the Rio de las Vacas (Pecos) one hundred and twenty- leagues, over a trail followed by Alvarado forty years before. From here, conducted by Jumano Indians, he crossed over to the mouth of the Conchos. Thence he returned to SanBar- tolome, reaching it on September 20, 1583, nearly a year after setting out. Fray Beltran had preceded him by several days. The report brought back by Espejo of the Lake of Gold (La- guna de Oro) and of the mines in western Arizona played a large part in directing the western exploration of Onate and his subordinates two decades later. The principal published source of information regarding the expedition is Espejo's own account (printed hereinafter), written at Santa Barbara shortly after his return from New Mexico. This was published by Pacheco and Cardenas in their Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos, XV. 101-126, under the title "Relation del viage, que yo Antonio Espejo, ciudadano de la ciudad de Mexico, natural de Cordoba, hize con catorce soldados y un relijioso de la orden de San Francisco, a las provincias y poblaciones de la Nueva Mexico, a quien puse por nombre, la Nueva Andalucia, a contemplation de mi patria, en fin del ano de mill e quinientos e ochenta e dos."1 This version of the relation will be designated here as A. It is preceded in the Coleccion by a letter of transmittal to the king, dated at San Salvador, April 23, 1584. Another version of the relation, bearing the same title as A, is in the same vol- ume of the Coleccion, pp. 163-189.2 This version will be re- ferred to as B. With it is printed (pp. 162-163) the letter of transmittal by Espejo to the viceroy, at the end of October, 1 It is comprehended in the expediente entitled "Testimonio dado en Mejico," etc., noted on page 139, above. 2 It is comprehended in a group of documents entitled "Expediente sobre el Ofrecimiento que hace Francisco Diaz de Vargas, de ir al Nuevo Mexico, y refiere la Historia de este Descubrimiento, con documentos que acompanan. Ano de 1584." The originals are in the Archivo de Indias, Patronato, est. 1, caj. 1. INTRODUCTION 167 1683. The two versions differ very little, but A, though of slightly later date, is marred by fewer misprints than the other, and on it the translation is therefore based. All essen- tial differences in B are indicated in the foot-notes. Other documents in the same volume of the Coleccidn con- taining incidental information regarding the expedition are the Relation Breve by Escalante and Barrado (pp. 146-150), printed hereinbefore, pp. 154-157; the petition of Francisco Dias de Vargas for license to make a new expedition (pp. 126- 137) ; the memorial of Espejo to the king, asking authority to settle the country he had discovered, pp. 151-162; the power of attorney by Espejo to Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, his son-in-law, Joan Garcia Bonilla, and Diego de Salas Bar- badillo, April 23, 1583 (pp. 189-191). So far as the editor knows, none of the documents have been published in English heretofore. Another relation of this expedition, still unpublished, was written by Diego Perez de Luxan, a member of the expedition, under the title, "Entrada que hizo en el Nuevo Mexico Anton de Espejo en el ano de 82" (A. G. de I., 1-1-3/22). A copy of this manuscript, which has recently come to light, is contained in the Ayer Collection. The "Cronica" of Obregon cited above also contains a detailed account of the expedition. So far as the editor knows, these important sources have not been used hitherto. In Mendoza's History of the Kingdom of China (trans, in Hakluyt Society Publications, London, 1854), II. 228-252, is a contemporary account of the Espejo expedition; also in Hakluyt, Voyages (London, 1599-1600), III. 383-396. ACCOUNT OF THE JOURNEY TO THE PROVINCES AND SETTLEMENTS OF NEW MEXICO, 1583 Account of the Journey which I, Antonio Espejo, Citizen of the City of Mexico, native of the City of Cordoba, made at the close of the year 1582, with Fourteen Soldiers and a Relig- ious of the Order of San Francisco, to the Provinces and Settlements of New Mexico, which I named Nueva Anda- lucia, in Honor of my Native Land.1 In order that this account may be better and more easily understood it should be observed that in the year 1581 a friar of the Order of San Francisco, named Fray Agustin y Ruiz,2 who resided in the valley of San Bartolome, having heard through certain Conchos Indians who were communicating with the Pazaguates, that to the north there were certain un- discovered settlements, endeavored to obtain permission to go to them for the purpose of preaching the Gospel to the natives. Having obtained permission from his prelate and from the viceroy, the Count of Coruiia, this friar and two others, named Fray Francisco Lopez and Fray Jhoan de Santa Maria, with seven or eight soldiers of whom Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado was leader, went inland in the month of June of 1581, through the said settlements, until they arrived at a province called Tiguas, situated two hundred and fifty leagues north of the mines of Santa Barbola, of the government of Nueva Vizcaya, where they began their journey. There Fray Jhoan de Santa Maria was killed,3 and as they saw that iPacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. Ined. (A), XV. 101-126; (B), ibid., 163- 189. 2 This name should be Rodriguez. 3 Father Santa Maria was killed among the Maguas, as Espejo himself tells further on. 168 1582] NARRATIVE OF ESPEJO 169 there were many people, and that for any purpose either of peace or of war they themselves were too few, the soldiers and their leader returned to the mines of Santa Ba*rbola, and from there went to Mexico, which is one hundred and sixty leagues distant, to report to the viceroy, in the month of May, 1582. The two religious who remained, with the desire to save souls, believing that they were safe among the natives, did not wish to come away, but preferred to stay in the said prov- ince of the Tiguas, through which Francisco Vasquez Coronado long ago passed on his way to the conquest and discovery of the cities and plains of Cibola.1 And thus they remained with three Indian boys and a half-breed, whereat the Order of San Francisco was greatly grieved, regarding it as certain that the Indians would kill the two religious2 and those who remained with them. Entertaining this fear, they wished and endeav- ored to find someone who would enter the said land and bring them out and succor them. For this purpose another relig- ious of the same order, named Fray Bernaldino Beltran, a resi- dent of the monastery of the Villa of Durango, capital of Nueva Vizcaya, offered to make the journey, with the au- thority and permission of his superior. And as at that time it happened that I was in that juris- diction, and that I heard of the wise and pious desire of the said religious and of the entire order, and knowing that by so doing I would serve our Lord and his Majesty, I offered to accompany this religious and to spend part of my wealth in paying his expenses and in taking some soldiers, both for his protection and defense and for that of the religious whom he was going to succor and bring back, if the royal justice, in his Majesty's name, would permit or order me to do so. Accord- ingly, having learned of the holy zeal of the said religious and of my intention, and at the instance of the said Fray Bernar- dino, Captain Joan de Ontiveros,3 alcalde mayor for his Maj- 1 For references to the province of the Tiguas (Tiguex) in the report of the Coronado expedition, see Winship, "The Coronado Expedition," in the Four- teenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1896), pp. 491, 497, 500, 503, 519, 520, 524, 569, 575, 587, 594. 2 This would imply that the Franciscans knew that Father Santa Maria had been killed before Chamuscado returned. 3B gives this name as "Onteveros" (p. 165). 170 NEW MEXICO: ESPEJO EXPEDITION [1582 esty in the pueblos called the Cuatro Cienegas,1 which lie within the said jurisdiction of Nueva Vizcaya, seventy leagues east of the mines of Santa Barbola, gave his order and commis- sion that I, with some soldiers, should enter the new land to succor and bring out the religious and men who had remained in it. And so, by virtue of said order and commission, I enlisted fourteen soldiers, whose names are Joan Lopez de Ibarra, Bernardo de Luna, Diego Perez de Lujan, Gaspar de Lujan, Francisco Barreto,2 Gregorio Hernandez, Miguel Sanchez Valenciano, Lazaro Sanchez and Miguel Sanchez Nevado, sons of the said Miguel Sanchez, Alonso de Miranda, Pedro Hernandez de Almansa, Joan Hernandez, Cristobal Sanchez, and Joan de Frias, all of whom, or the major part of whom,3 I supplied with arms, horses, munitions, provisions, and other things necessary for so long and unaccustomed a journey. Beginning our journey at Valle de San Bartolome, which is nine leagues from the mines of Santa Barbola, on November 10, 1582, with one