A VEDIC GRAMMAR FOR STUDENTS
BY
ARTHUR ANTHONY MACDONELL
M.A., Ph.D.
BODEN PKOFESSOK OF yAXSKRIT IN THE
UMVEUSITT OF OXFORD
FELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE ; FELLOW OF THE BHITISU ACADEMY ;
FELLOW OF THE KOYAL DANI.SH ACADEMY
INCLUDING A CHAPTER ON SYNTAX AND THKEE APPENDIXES: LIST OF VEKBS, METEE, ACCENT
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1916
ERSITY PRESS
RGH GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY HUMPHREY MILFORD
I'UliLISHER TO THE UNIVERhlTV
PK
M3
PJ^EFACE
A PRACTICAL Vedic grammar has long been a desideratum. It is one of the chief aids to the study of the hymns of the Veda called for forty-three years ago in the preface to his edition of the Rigveda by Max Miiller, who adds, ' I doubt not that the time will come when no one in India will call himself a Sanskrit scholar who cannot construe the hymns of the ancient Rishis of his country'. It is mainly due to the lack of such a work that the study of Vedic literature, despite its great linguistic and religious importance, has never taken its proper place by the side of the study of Classical Sanskrit either in England or India. Whitney's excellent Sansl-rit Grammar, indeed, treats the earlier lan- guage in its historical connexion with the later, but for this very reason students are, as I have often been assured, unable to acquire from it a clear knowledge of either the one or the other, because beginners cannot keep the two dialects apart in the process of learning. Till the publica- tion of my large Vedic Grammar in 1910, no single work comprehensively presented the early language by itself. That work is, however, too extensive and detailed for the needs of the student, being intended rather as a book of reference for the scholar. Hence I have often been urged to bring out a short practical grammar which would do for the Vedic language what my SansJcrit Grammar for Beginners does for the Classical language. In the second edition (1911) of the latter work I therefore pledged myself to
iv PREFACE
meet this deinand as soon as 1 could. The present volume redeems that pledge.
When planning the book I resolved, after much reflection, to make it correspond paragraph by paragnxph to the SansJcrit Grammar' this being the best way to enable students to comijare and contrast every phenomenon of the earlier and the later language. To this extent the present book presupposes the other ; but it can quite well be used inde- pendently. The exjierience of many years' teaching, however, leads me to dissuade beginners from starting the study of Sanskrit by means of the present grammar. Students should, in my opinion, always commence with classical Sanskrit, wliich is more regular and definite, as well as much more restricted in the number of its inflexional forms. A good working knowledge of the later language should therefore be acquired before taking up Vedic grammar, which can then be rapidly learned.
In carrying out the parallelism of this grammar with the other I have experienced a good deal of difficulty in numbering the corresponding paragraphs satisfactorily, because certain groups of matter are found exclusively in the Vedic language, as the numerous subjunctive forms, or much more fully, as the dozen types of infinitive compared with only one in Sanskrit ; while some Sanskrit formations, as the periphrastic • future, are non-exi-jtent in the earlier language. Nevertheless, I have, I think, succeeded in arranging the figures in such a way that the corresponding paragraphs of the two grammars can always be easily compared. The only exception is the first chapter, con- sisting of fifteen paragra^^hs, which in the Sanslirit Grammar deals with the Nagarl alphabet. As the present work throughout uses transliteration only, it seemed superfluous to repeat the description of the letters given in the earlier work. I have accordingly substituted a general phonetic
PREFACE V
survey of Vedic sounds as enabling the student to understand clearly the linguistic history of Sanskrit. The employment of transliteration has been necessary because by this means alone could analysis by hyphens and accentuation be adequately indicated. Duplication with Nagarl characters, as in the Sanskrit Crrammar, would have increased the size and the cost of the book without any compensating advan- tage. An account of the accent, as of vital importance in Vedic grammar, would naturally have found a place in the body of the book, but owing to the entire absence of this subject in the Sansltit Grammar and to the fulness which its treatment requires, its introduction there was impossible. The accent is accordingly dealt with in Appendix III as a substitute for the ' Chief Peculiarities of Vedic Grammar ' appearing at the end of the Sanskrit Grammar.
The term Vedic is here used to comprehend not only the metrical language of the hymns, but also the prose of the Brahmanas and of the Bjahmana-like portions of the Atharvaveda and of various recensions of the Yajurveda. The grammatical material from the later period is mainly given in small type, and is .in any case regularly indicated by the addition of the letter B (for Brahmana). Otherwise the phase of the earlier language presented is that of the Rigveda, as being both the oldest and furnishing the most abundant material. But forms from the other Vedas are often also supplied without any distinguishing mark as long as they conform to the standard of the Eigveda. If, how- ever, such forms are in any way abnormal, or if it seemed advisable to point out that they do not come from the Rigveda, this is indicated by an added abbreviation in bi'ackets, as ' (AV.) ' for ' (Atharvaveda).' On the other hand '(RV.)' is sometimes added in order to indicate, for some reason or other, that a form is restricted to the Rigveda. It is, of course, impossible to go much into detail thus in
vi PREFACE
a practical work ; IduI the exact source of any particular form can always be ascertained by reference to the large Vcdic Grammar. The grammatical usage of the other Vedas, when it differs from that of the Eigveda, is regularly ex- plained. The reference is given with precise figures when syntactical examples are taken from the Rigveda, but with abbreviations only (as TS. for Taittirlya Samhita or SB. for Satapatha Brfihmana) when they come from elsewhere. Syntactical citations are not always metrically intact because words that are unnecessary to illustrate the usage in question are often omitted. The accent in verbal forms that happen to occur in Vedic texts without it, is nevertheless given if its position is undoubted, but when there is any uncer- tainty it is left out. In the list of verbs (Appendix I) the third pex'son singular is often given as the typical form even when only other persons actually occur. Otherwise only forms that have been positively noted are enumerated.
I ought to mention that in inflected words final s, r, and d of endings are given in their historical form, not according to the law of allowable finals (§ 27) ; e.g. dutas, not dutah ; tasmad, not tasmat ; pitur, not pituh ; but when used syntactically they appear in accordance with the rules of Sandhi ; e. g. devanam dutah ; vrtrasya vadhat.
The present book is to a great extent based on my large Vedic Grammar. It is, howevei-, by no means simply an abridgement of that work. For besides being differently arranged, so as to agree with the scheme of the Sanskrit Grammar, it contains much matter excluded from the Vedic Grammar by the limitations imposed on the latter work as one of the volumes of Biihler's Enc//cloj)aedia of Indo- Aryan Besearch. Thus it adds a full treatment of Vedic Syntax and an account of the Vedic metres. Appendix I, aiioreover, contains a list of Vedic verbs (similar to that in the Sanslrit Grammar), which though all their forms appear in their
PKEFACE vii
appropriate place within the body of the Vedic Grammar, are not again presented there in the form of an alphabetical list, as is done here for the benefit of the learner. Having subjected all the verbal forms to a revision, I have classified some doubtful or ambiguous ones more satisfactorily, and added some others which were inadvertently omitted in the large work. Moreover, a full alphabetical list of conjunctive and adverbial particles embracing forty pages and describing the syntactical uses of these words has been added in order to correspond to § 180 of the Sanskrit Grammar. The present work therefore constitutes a supplement to, as well as an abridgement of, the Vedic Grammar, thus in reality setting forth the subject with moi'e completeness as a whole, though in a comparatively brief form, than the larger work. I may add that this grammar is shortly to be followed by a Vedic Header consisting of selected hymns of the Eigveda and supplying microscopic explanations of every point on which the elementary learner requires information. These two books will, I hope, enable him in a short time to become an independent student of the sacred literature of ancient India.
For the purposes of this book I have chiefly exploited my own Vedic Grammar (1910), but I have also utilized Delbriick's Altindisclie Syntax (1888) for syntactical material, and Whitney's Boots (1885) for the verbal forms of the Brahmana literature. In describing the metres (Appen- dix II) I have found Oldenberg's Die Hymnen des Bigveda (1888), and Arnold's Vedic Metre (1905) very useful.
I am indebted to Dr. James Morison and to my former pupil, Professor A. B. Keith, for reading all the first proofs with great care, and thus saving me from many misprints that would have escaped ni)^ own notice. Professor Keith has also suggested important modifications of some of my grammatical statements. Lastly, I must congratulate
viii PREFACE
Mr. J. C. Pembiey, Hon. M.A. , Oriental Reader at the Clarendon Press, on having completed the task of reading the final proofs of this grammar, now all but seventy years after correcting Professor H. H. Wilson's Sanskrit Crrammar in 1847. This is a record in the histoi'y of Oriental, and most probably of any, professional proof reading for the press.
A. A. MAC DON ELL.
6 Chadiington Road, Oxtord. March 30, 1916.
CONTENTS
PAGES
Preface iii-viii
List of Abbkeviations . xi
Corrections xii
CHAPTER I: PHONETIC INTKODUCTION
Kelation of Veclic to Sanskrit— Oral tradition and Writing— Sounds of the Vedic Language — Tiie Vowels-^ Vowel Gradation —The Consonants— Ancient Pronuncia- tion 1-19
CHAPTER II: EUPHONIC COMBINATION
External Sandhi : Combination of Vowels and of Con- sonants—Internal Sandhi : Combination of Vowels and of Consonants 20-47
CHAPTER III: DECLENSION
Nouns : Consonant Stems— unchangeable — changeable : with Two Stems; with Three Stems— Vowel Stems — Degrees of Comparison — Numerals : Cardinals ; Ordinals ; Numeral Derivatives— Pronouns: Personal — Demonstra- tive — Interrogative — Relative — Reflexive — Possessive — Compound — Derivative — Indefinite — Pronominal Adjec- tives 47-117
CHAPTER IV: CONJUGATION
Introductory— The Present System— First Conjugation — Second Conjugation— The Augment— Reduplication- Terminations — Paradigms — Irregularities ^ The Perfect —The Pluperfect -The Aorist : First Aorist ; Second Aorist—Benedictive— The Future: Simple; Periphrastic
X CONTENTS
PAGE — Conditional— The Passive — Participles — Gerund — In- finitive—Derivative Verbs: Causative — Desiderative — Intensive — Denominative 117-207
CHAPTER V: INDECLINABLE WORDS
Prepositions — Adverbial Case-forms — Adverbs formed with Suffixes— Conjunctive and Adverbial Particles— In- terjections 208-253
CHAPTER VI: NOMINAL STEM FORMATION AND COMPOUNDS
Primary Suffixes — Secondary Suffixes — Gender — Verbal Compounds— Nominal Compounds : Co-ordinatives — Deter- minatives : Dependent and Descriptive — Possessives — Governing Compounds— Syntactical Compounds — Itera- tive Compounds ......... 254-282
CHAPTER VII: SYNTAX
Introductory— Order of Words - Number Concord — Pronouns — Use of the Cases— Locative and Genitive Absolute — Participles — Gerund — Infinitive — Use of the Tenses— Use of the Moods: Imperative — Injunctive— Sub- junctive— Optative — Precative — Conditional
Appendix 1. List of Verbs
Appendix II. Vedic Metre Appendix III. The Vedic Accent Vedic Index .... Genekal Index
283-368 369-435 436-447 448-469 471-498 499-508
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
A. = accusative case.
A. = Atmanepada, middle voice.
AA. = Aitareya Aranyaka.
AB. = Aitareya Brahmana. Ab. = ablative case.
act. = active voice.
AV. = Atharvaveda.
Av. = Avesta.
B. = Brahmana.
C. = Classical Sanskrit.
D. = dative case, du. = dual number, f. = feminine.
G. = genitive case.
Gk. = Greek.
I. = instrumental case.
IE. = Indo-European.
I-Ir. = Indo-Iranian.
ind. = indicative mood.
K. = Kathaka Samhita.
KB. = Kausitaki Brahmana.
L. = locative case.
Lat. = Latin.
ni. = masculine.
mid. = middle voice.
MS. = Maitrayani Samhita.
N. = nominative case.
P. = Parasmaipada, active voice.
PB. = Pancavirn^a (= Tandya) Brahmana.
pi. = plural number.
RV. = Rigveda.
6b. = !§atapatha Brahmana.
s. = singular number.
SV. = Samaveda.
TA. = Taittiriya Aranyaka.
TB. = Taittiriya Bi-ahmana.
TS. = Taittiriya Samhita.
V. = Vedic (in the narrow sense as opposed to B. = Brahmana).
VS. = Vajasaneyi Samhita.
YV. = Yajurveda.
N.B. — Other abbreviations will be found at the beginning of Appendix I and of the Vedic Index.
COREECTIONS
p. 25, line 24, fur ami iti read ami iti. I
P. 27, line 29, lust word, read d-srat.
P. 133, line 5, for bibhrm^he read bibhrm^he.
P. Hi, line 31, for stride read strike.
P. 156, lines 6 and 10. for ei-ket-a-t and ci-ket-a-thas read of-ket-a-t
and ci-ket-a-thas. P. 158, line 21, for (vas desire) read (vas bellow). P. 174, lines 30 and 31, delete cucyuvimihi and cucyavirdta (cp.
p. 382 under cyu). P. 188, footnote, for 'gerundive' read 'gerund'. P. 200, line 6, for ' f yaj ' read ' of yaj '. P. 215, line 32, for tSvan read tavara ; similarly, pp. 220, line 15,
221, line 4, 222, line 4, 238, line 9, 242, line 30, for n read m. P. 273, footnote, last line but one, for ' licietly ' read ' chiefly '. P. 286, line 15, for 'follows' read 'precedes'. P. 340, line 17, for tani read tyani. P. 347, at the end of line 10, add (i. SP).
,, ,, line 17, for va load va.
,, ,, line 21, for duscarma read duscfirma. P. 348, line 28, for vettu read vettu. P. 350, line 20, after Kisdoin add (i. 42^). P. 351, line 28, for abhi read abhl. • 352, line 31, for vayum read vayum.
,, „ line 34, for (v. 69i) read (vi. 59').
CHAPTEE I PHONETIC INTRODUCTION
1. Vedic, or the langiiage of the literature of the Vedas,
is represented by two main linguistic strata, in each of
which, again, earlier and later phases may be distinguished.
The older period is that of the Mantras, the hymns and
spells addressed to the gods, which are contained in the
various Samhitas. Of these the Rigveda, which is the most
important, represents the earliest stage. The later period
is that of the prose theological treatises called Brahmanas.
Linguistically even the oldest of them are posterior to most
of the latest parts of the Samhitas, approximating to the
stage of Classical Sanskrit. But they still retain the use
of the subjunctive and employ many different types of the
infinitive, while Sanskrit has lost the former and preserves
only one single type of the latter. The prose of these
works, however, to some extent represents better than the
language of the Mantras the normal features of Vedic
syntax, which in the latter is somewhat interfered with by
the exigences of metre.
The language of the works forming appendices to the Brahmanas, that is, of the Aranyakas and Upanisads, forms a transition to that of the Sutras, which is practically identical with Classical Sanskrit.
The linguistic material of the Rigveda, being more ancient, extensive, and authentic than that of the other Samhitas, all of which borrow largely from it, is taken as the basis of this grammar. It is, however, considerably supplemented from the other Samhitas. The grammatical forms of the Brahmanas, where they differ from those of Classical Sanskrit, have been indicated in notes, while their syntax
1819 B
2 PHONETIC INTRODUCTION [1-3
is fully dealt with, because it illustrates the construction of sentences better than the metrical hymns of the Vedas.
2. The hymns of the Vedas were composed many centuries before the introduction of writing into India, which can hardly have taken place much earlier than 600 b. c. They were handed down till probably long after that event by oi'al tradition, which has lasted down to the present day. Apart from such tradition, the text of the Sanihitas has been preserved in manuscripts, the earliest of which, owing to the adverse climatic conditions of India, ai*e scarcely five centuries old. How soon they were first committed to writing, and whether the hymns of the Rigveda were edited in the form of the Sainhita and Pada texts with the aid of writing, there seems insufficient evidence to decide ; but it is almost inconceivable that voluminous prose works such as the Brahmanas, in particular the Satapatha Brahmana, could have been composed and preserved without such aid.^
3. The sounds of the Vedic language. There are altogether fifty-two sounds, thirteen of which are vocalic and thirty-nine consonantal. They are the following : —
a. Nine simple vowels: aaiiuurfl; four diphthongs : e o ai au.
I). Twenty-two mutes divided into five classes, each of which has its nasal, making a group of twenty-seven :
(a) five gutturals (velars) : k kh g gh n ; *
(/?) five palatals : e ch j jh ° n ;
^ The text of the Vedas, with the exception of Aufrecht's and Weber's transliterated editions of the RV. and theTS., is always printed in the Devanagari character. The latter having been fully described in my Sanskrit Grammar for Beginners (§§ 4-14), it is unnecessary to repeat what is there stated. It will suffice here to give a summary account of all the sounds of the Vedic language.
- This sound is very rare, occurring only once in the RV. and not at all in the AV.
3-4] THE VOWELS 3
(y) seven cerebrals' : t th, d Jind 1,^ dh and Ih,^ n ; {$) five dentals : t th d dh n ; (e) five labials : p ph b bh m ;
c. Four semivowels : y (palatal), r (cerebral), 1 (dental), V (labial) ;
d. Three sibilants : s (palatal), s (cerebral), s (dental) ;
e. One aspiration : h ;
/ One pure nasal : m (m) called Anusvara {after-sound), g. Three voiceless spirants: h (Visarjantya), h (Jihva- midlya), h (Upadhrnaniya).
4. a. The simple vowels :
a ordinarily represents an original short vowel (IE. a e 6) ; but it also often replaces an original sonant nasal, represent- ing the reduced form of the unaccented syllables an and am, as sat-a beside sant-am being ; ga-ta gone beside a-gam-at has gone.
a represents both a simple long vowel (IE. a e 6) and a contraction ; e. g. matar (Lat. mater) mother ; asam = d-as-am I ivas. It frequently also represents the unaccented syllable an ; e. g. kha-ta dug from khan dig.
i is ordinarily an original vowel ; e, g. div-i (Gk. Sifi) in heaven. It is also frequently the low grade of e and ya ; e. g. vid-ma {i'Sfieu) ive Icnotv beside v6d-a (oiSa) I Jcnoiv ; nav-istha newest beside nav-yas nciver. It also represents the low grade of radical a ; e. g. ^is-ta taught beside sas-ti teaches.
i is an original vowel ; e. g. jiv-a living. But it also often represents the low grade of ya ; e. g. as-i-mahi ive ivoidd attain beside as-yam I ivould attain ; or a contraction ; e. g. isvir they have sped (= i-is-ur 3. pi. pf. of is) ; mati Tjy thought {= matia).
1 This is much the rarest class of mutes, being scarcely half as common as even the palatals.
2 These two sounds take the place of d dh respectively between vowels in the RV. texts ; e. g. ile (but idya), milhuse (but midhvan).
e2
4 PHONETIC INTRODUCTION [4
u is an original vowel ; e. g. madhu (Gk. fi^dv) honey. It is also the low grade of o and va ; e. g. yug-a n. yoJx beside y6g-a m. yoldng ; sup-ta asleep beside svap-na ni. sleep.
u is an original vowel ; e. g. bhru {6-^pv-s:) f. hroio. It is also the low grade of au and va ; e. g. dhu-ta shalccn Ijeside dhau-tari f. slialdng ; stid stvccten beside svad enjoy ; and often represents a contraction; e.g. uc-iir = u -uc-iir they have spoken (3. pi. pf. of vac) ; bahu the two arms = bahu-a.
r is a vocalic r, being the low grade of ar and ra ; e. g. kr-ta done beside ca-kar-a I hare done ; grbh-i-ta seised beside grabh-a m. seizure.
T occurs only in the ace. and gen. pi. m. and f. of ar stems (in which it is the lengthened low grade) ; e. g. pitfn, matrh ; pitrnam, svasrnam.
1 is a vocalic 1, being the low grade of al, occurring only in a few forms or derivatives of the verb kip (kalp) he in order : caklpr6 3. j)!. pf. ; ciklpati 3. s. aor. subj. ; klpti (VS.) f. arrangement beside kalpasva 2. s. impv. mid., kalp-a m. pious worTc.
b. The diphthongs.
e and 6 stand for the original genuine diphthongs at au. They represent (1) the high grade corresponding to the weak grade vowels i and u ; e. g. s6c-ati pours beside Bik-ta. poicred ; bhoj-am beside bhiij-am aor. of bhuj enjoy ; (2) the result of the coalescence of a with i and u in external and internal Sandhi ; e. g. 6ndra = a indra ; 6 cit = a u cit ; pad6 = pada i du. n. two steps ; bhaveta = bhava ita 3. s, opt. might he; maghon (= magha tm) weak stem of maghavan hountiful ; T^j e = az in a few words before d, dh, h ; e.g. e-dhi he 2. s. impv. of as beside as-ti ; o = az before bh of case-endings, and before y and v of secondary suffixes ; e. g. dv6so-bhis inst. pi. of dvdsas n. hatred ;
4-5] VOWEL GRADATION 5
duvo-yu loisliing to give (beside duvas-yu) ; saho-vau mighty beside sahas-vant.
ai and au etymologically represent ai and au, as is indicated by the fact that they become ay and av in Sandhi ; e. g. gav-as coivs beside gau-s ; and that the Sandhi of a with e (= ai) and o (= au) is ai and au respectively.
5. Vowel gradation. Simple vowels are found to inter- change in derivation as well as in verbal and nominal in- flexion with fuller syllables, or if short also with long vowels. This change is dependent on shift of accent : the fuller or long syllable remains unchanged while it bears the accent, but is reduced to a simple or short vowel when left by the accent. This interchange is termed vowel gradation. Five different series of such gradation may be distinguished.
a. The Guna series. Here the accented high grade syllables e, o, ar, al, constituting the fundamental stage and called Guna (cp. 17 a) by the native grammarians, inter- change with the unaccented low grade syllables i, u, r, 1 respectively. Beside the Guna syllables appear, but much less frequently, the syllables ai, au, ar (al does not occur), which are called Vrddhi by the same authorities and may be regarded as a lengthened variety of the Guna syllables. Examples are : did6s-a has pointed out : dis-ta pointed out ; 6-mi I go : i-mas ive go ; ap-no-mi I obtain : ap-nu-mas we obtain; vdrdhaya to further: vrdhaya, id.
a. The low grade of both Guna and Vrddhi may be i, u, ir, ur ; as bibhay-a I liave feared ixnd hibhAy -a, has feared : hhl-ta. frightened ; juhav-a has invoked : hu-td invoked ; tatar-a has crossed : tir-ate crosses and tir-nd crossed.
b. The Samprasarana series. Here the accented high grade syllables ya, va, ra (corresponding to the Guna stage e, o, ar) interchange with the unaccented low grade vowels i, u, r ; e. g. i-yaj-a I have sacrificed : is-ta sacrificed ; vas-ti desires : us-masi ive desire ; ja-grah-a //iave seised : ja-grh-iir theg have seised.
6 PHONETIC INTRODUCTION [5
a. Similarly the long syllabhs 5'a, va, ra are reduced toi, u, ir ; e. g, jya f. mUjlit : ji-yd-t8 is overcoine ; bru-ya-t ivould say : bruv-i-td id. ; svad-ii stveei : sud-aya-ti sweetens ; dragh-lyas lo)) get- : dirgh-i, long.
c. The a series.
1. In its low grade stage a would noriiially disappear, but as a rule it remains because its loss would in most cases lead to unpronounceable or obscure forms ; e. g. as-ti is : s-anti the>/ are ; ja-gam-a I have gone : ja-gm-iir tlmj have gone ; pad-ya-.te goes : pi-bd-ana standing firm ; han-ti slays : ghn-anti theg slay.
2. The low grade of the Vrddhi vowel a is either a or total loss; e. g. pad m.. foot: 'pad-a, tvith the foot ; dadha-ti puts : dadh-masi tve put ; pu-na-ti purifies : pu-n-anti they purify ; da-da-ti gives : deva-t-ta given hy the gods.
3. When a represents the Guna stage its low grade is normally i ; e. g. stha-s thou hast stood : sthi-ta stood.
a. Sometimes it is i owing to analogy ; e. g. pu-na-ti purifies : pu-ni-hi purify. Sometimes, especially wheia the low grade syllable has a secondary accent, it is a ; e. g. gah-ate plunges : gdh-ana n. depth.
d. The at and au series.
The low grade of at (which appears as ay before vowels and a before consonants) is i ; e. g. gay-ati sings, ga-tha m. song : gi-ta sung.
The low grade of au (which is parallel to va : 5 ?> a) is u ; e. g. dhav-ati washes : dhu-ta tcashed ; dhau-tari f. shalcing : dhu-ti m. shaJcer, dhu-ma m. smoJce.
e. Secondary shortening of i, u, r. The low grade syllables i, u, ir and ur (= r) are further reduced to 1, u, r, owing to shift of accent from its normal position in a word to its beginning, in compounds, reduplicated forms, and vocatives; e.g.a-hutif, invocation: -hiiti call; didi-vi shining: di-paya hindle ; ear-kr-se tliou commemoratest : kir-ti f. praise (from root kr) ; pi-pr-tam 3. du, : pur-ta full (root pr) ; d6vi voc. : devi nom. goddess ; svasru voc. : sva-sru-s nom. mother-in-laiv.
6-7] THE CONSONANTS 7
The Consonants.
6. The guttural mutes represent the Inclo-Euvoiiean velars (that is, q-sounds). In the combination k-s the guttural is the regular phonetic modification of a palatal before s ; e.g. drs see : aor. adrk-sata ; vac speak : fut. vak-syati.
7. The palatals form two series, the earlier and the later. a. Original palatals are represented by ch and s, and to
some extent by j and h.
1. The aspirate ch is derived from an IE. double sound, s+ aspirated palatal mute; e.g. chid cut off=Gk. cr)(^t§. But in the inchoative suffix cha it seems to represent s + unasj^irated palatal mute ; e. g. gaeha-mi = Gk. (Sda-Koi.
2. The sibilant s represents an IE. palatal (which seems to have been pronounced dialectically either as a spirant or a mute) ; e. g. satam 100 = Lat. centum, Gk. k-Karov.
3. The old palatal j (originally the media of s = I-Ir. z, French j) is recognizable by appearing as a cerebral when final or before mutes ; e. g. yaj-ati sacrifices beside aor. a-yat has sacrificed, yas-tr sacrificer, is-td sacrificed.
4. The breathing h represents the old palatal aspirate I-Ir. zh. It is recognizable as an old palatal when, either as final or before t, it is replaced by a cerebral ; e. g. vah-ati carries beside a-vat has carried.
h. The new palatals are e and to some extent j and h. They are derived from gutturals (velars), being int^n-change- able, in most roots and formatives, with gutturals ; e. g. s6c-ati shines beside s6k-a m. flame, suk-Yan flaming, suk-ra hriUiant ; yuj-e I^/oJce beside yug-a n. poJce, yc3g-a m. yoldng, yuk-ta yohed, -yug-van yoking ; du-droh-a has injured beside drogh-a injurious.
a. The original gutturals were changed to palatals by the palatal sounds i, i, y immediately following; e. g. eit-t^ noticed beside k6t-a m. will from cit perceive ; 6j-iyas stronger beside ug-rd, strong ; druh-yu, a proper name, beside drdgh-a injurious.
8 PHONETIC INTKODUCTION [s-io
8. The cerebrals are entirely secondary, being a specifically Indian product and unknown in the Indo-Iranian period. They are prohaljly due to aboriginal, especially Dravidian, influence. They are still rare in the EV., where they never occur initially, but only medially and finally. They have as a rule arisen from dentals immediately following the cerebral s (= original s, s, j, h) or r-sounds (r, r, r) ; e.g. dtis-tara (= dus-tara) mvincihle; vas-ti (= vas-ti) ivishcs; mrs-ta (= mrj-ta) deansecl ; nida (= nizda)^ tiest; dii-dhi (= duz-dhi) ill- disposed ] drdha - (= drh-ta) /nji ; nr-nam (= nr-nam) of men.
Final cerebral mutes represent the old palatals j, s, h ; e. g. rat (= raj) m. rider nom. s. ; vipat (= vi-pas) f. a river ; sat (= sah) overcoming ; a-vat (= a-vah-t) has conveyed (3. s. aor. of vah).
9. a. The dentals are original sounds, representing the corresponding IE. dentals. The mutes t and d, however, sometimes take the place of original s before s and bh respectively ; e. g. a- vat-sis (AV.) aor. of vas dwell ; mad-bhis inst. pi. of mas month.
h. The labials as a rule represent the corresponding IE. sounds. But b is very rarely inherited ; the numljer of words containing this sound has, however, been greatly increased in various Avays. Thus it often replaces p or bh in Sandhi and bh in reduplication ; e. g. pi-bd-ana firm beside pad-a n. place ; rab-dha taken beside rabhante they take ; ba-bhiiva has heen from bhu he. There are also many words containing b which seem to have a foreign origin.
10. The nasals. Of the five nasals belonging to the corresponding five classes of mutes, only the dental n and the labial m appear independently and in any part of a word,
' z ( = s or old palatal zh), the soft form of s, lias always disa2:)peai'ed after cerebraliziiig d or dh and lengthening the preceding vowel. ^ Though written as a short vowel the r is j^rosodically long.
10] NASALS 9
initiallj', medially, and finally ; e. g. matr f. mother, naman n. name. The remaining three are always dependent on a contiguous sound. The guttural n, the palatal ft, and the cerebral n are never initial, and the last two are never final. The guttural n appears finally only when a following k or g has been dropped, as in stems ending in fie or nj and in those compounded with drs ; e. g. pratyan nom. s. of pratyanc /(<cm^ ; ki-drn nom. s. of ki-drs ofivhat hind?
a. Medially n appears regularly only before gutturals ;
e. g. anka m. Iioolc ; ankhaya embrace ; anga n. limh ; jangha
f. leg. Before other consonants it appears only when k or g has been dropped ; e.g. yun-dhi for yung-dhi (=yufij-dhi)
2. s. impv. of yuj join.
b. The palatal nasal occurs only before or after c or j, and before eh ; e. g. panea five ; yaj-na m. sacrifice ; vafichantu let them desire.
c. The cerebral n appears within a word only, either before cerebral mutes or replacing dental n after r, r, or s (either immediately preceding or separated from it by certain intervening letters); e.g. danda m. staff; nr-nam of men; varna m. colour ; usna hot ; kramana n. step.
d. The dental n is the commonest of the nasals ; it is more frequent than m, and about three times as frequent as the other three taken together. As a rule it represents IE. n ; but it also appears in place of the dental d or t, and of labial m before certain suffixes. It is substituted for d before the suffix -na ; and for d or t before the m of secondary suffixes ; e. g. an-na n. food (from ad eat) ; vidyiin-mant gleaming (vidyiit f. lightning) ; mrn-maya earthen (mrd f. earth). It is substituted for m before t ; before suffixal m or v ; and before suffixal s or t that have been dropped as final ; e. g. yan-tra n. rein (yam restrain) ; a-gan-ma, gan-vahi (aor. of gam go) ; a-gan (— a-gam-s, a-gana-t) 2. 3. s. aor. of gam go ; a-yan (— a-yam-s-t)
3. s. aor. of yam restrain ; dan gen. of dam house (=dani-s).
10 PHONETIC INTRODUCTION [lo-ll
e. The labial m as a rule represents IE. m ; e. g. naman, Lat. nomen. It is by far the commonest labial sound, being more frequent than the four labial mutes taken together.
/ The pure nasal. Distinct from the five class nasals is the pure nasal, variously called Anusvara and Anunasika, which always follows a vowel and is formed by the breath passing through the nose unmodilied by the influence of any consonant. The former is usually written with a dot before consonants, the latter as «* before vowels. The proper use of Anusvara is not before mutes, but before sibilants and h (which have no class nasal). When final, Anusvara usually represents m, sometimes n (66 A 2). Medially Anusvara regularly appears before sibilants and h ; e. g. vamsa m. reed ; havimsi ojfer'mgs ; mainsa n. flesh ; simha m. lion. It usually appears before s, where it always represents m or n ; e. g. mamsate 3. s. subj. aor. of man tlmik ; pimsanti beside pinasti from pis crush ; kramsyate fut. of kram stride. When Anusvara appears before s or h (= IE. guttural or palatal) it represents the corresponding class nasal.
H. The semivowels. The semivowels y, r, 1, v are peculiar in having each a vowel corresponding to it, viz. i, r, 1, u respectively. They are called anta(h.)stha in the Pratisakhyas, or ' intermediate ', as standing midway between vowels and consonants.
a. The semivowel y is constantly written for i before other voAvels within the Veda itself. It also sometimes appears without etymological justification, especially after roots in -a, before vowel suffixes ; e. g. da-y-i 3. s. aor. pass, of da give. Otherwise it is based either on IE. i (= Gk. spiritus asper) or voiced palatal spirant y {= Gk. () ; e.g. ya-s iclio (Gk. o-y), yaj sacrifice (Gk. dy-Lo^) ; but yas loil (Gk. (eco), yuj yoke (Gk. ^vy-). It is probably due to this difiference of origin that yas hoil and yam restrain reduplicate Avith ya in the perfect, but yaj sacrifice with i.
11] SEMIVOWELS 11
b. The semivowel v is constantly written for u before other vowels within the Veda itself. Otherwise it seems always to be based on IE. u, that is, on a v interchangeable with u, but never on an IE. spirant v not interchangeable with u.
c. The semivowel r generally corresponds to IE. r, but also often to IE. 1. As Old Iranian invariably has r for both, it seems as if there had been a tendency to rhotacism in the Indo-Iranian period. In order to account for the Vedic relation of r to 1, it appears necessary to assume a mixture of three dialects : one in which the IE. r and 1 were kept apart ; another in which IE. 1 became r (the Vedic dialect) ; and a third in which IE. r became 1 throughout (the later Magadhi).
r is secondary when it takes the place of phonetic d (= z) as the final of stems in is and us before endings beginning with bh ; e. g. havir-bhis and vapur-bhis. This substitution is due to the influence of external Sandhi, where is and us would become ir and ur.
a. Metathesis of r takes place when ar would be followed by s or h + consonant. It appears in forms of drs see and srj send forth; e.g. drfctum to see, sdmsrastr one 2vho engages in battle ; also in brahmdn m. priest, brdhman n. devotion beside barhfs n. sacrificial Utter (from brh or barh make big) ; and in a few other words.
d. The semivowel 1 represents IE. 1 and in a few instances IE. r. It is rarer than in any cognate language except Old Iranian, in which it does not occur at all. It is much rarer than r, which is seven times as frequent. A gradual increase of 1 is apparent in the KV. ; thus in the tenth book are found the verbs mluc and labh, and the nouns 16man, lohita, which in the earlier books appear as mruc sink, rabh seize, rdman n. hair, rohita ixd. This letter occurs eight times as often in the latest parts of the EV. as in the oldest ; and it is seven times as common in the AV. as in the RV. It seems likely tliat the recorded Vedic dialect
12_ PHONETIC INTRODUCTION [11-12
was descended from an Indo-Iranian one in which rhotacism had removed every 1 ; but that there must have been another Vedic dialect in which IE. r and 1 were kept distinct, and a third in which IE. r became 1 throughout ; from the latter two 1 must have found its way into the literary language to an increasing extent. In the oldest parts of the RV. there are no verbal forms preserving IE. 1, and only a few nouns : (u)loka m. free space, sloka m. call, and -misla mixed.
a. In the later Samhitas 1 occasionally occurs both medially and finally for d ; e. g. ile (VS. Kanva) = ide (RV, ile) ; bal iti (AV.), of. RV. bal ittha. In a good many words 1 is probably of foreign origin.
12. The sibilants are all voiceless, but there are various traces of the earlier existence of voiced sibilants (cp. 7 a 3 ; 8 ; 15, 2 A:). There is a considerable interchange between the sibilants, chiefly as a result of assimilation.
a. The palatal sibilant s represents an IE. palatal (mute or spirant). Besides being the regular substitute for dental s in external Sand hi before voiceless palatals (e. g. indras ca), it occasionally rej^resents that sibilant within words by assimilation ; e. g. svasura (Lat. socer) father- in-Um ; sasa (IE. Tiaso) m. hare. Sometimes this substitution takes place, without assimilation, under the influence of allied words, as in k6sa m. hair beside k^sara (Lat. caesarks). It is also to some extent confused with the other two sibilants in the Samhitas, but here it interchanges much oftener with s than with s. Before s the palatal s becomes k, regularly when medial, sometimes when final ; e. g. drk-s-a-se 2. s. aor. subj. mid., and -drk[sj nom. s. from drs see.
h. The cerebral s is, like the cerebral mutes, altogether secondary, always representing either an original palatal or an original dental sibilant. Medially it represents the palatals s {= I-Ir. s) and j (=: I-Ir. z) and the combination ks before the cerebral tenues t th (themselves produced from dental tonnes by this s) ; e. g. nas-ta from nas he lost ; mrs-ta 3. s. impf., from mrj ioi])e ; tas-ta from taks liew.
12-14] BREATHING H— SPIRANTS 13
Medially it is regularly, and initially very frequently, substituted for dental s after vowels other than a and after the consonants k, r, s ; e. g. tisthati from stha stand ; su-sup-ur 3. pi. pf. from svap sleep] rsabha m. hull) uksan m. ox ; varsa n. rain ; havis-su in oblations ; anu spxva,nt\ tliey praise ; go-sa.ni tvinning cattle ; divi san being -in heaven.
Occasionally s represents dental s as a i-esult of assimila- tion ; e. g. sas six (Lat. sex) ; sat victorious nom. s. from sah overcoming.
c. The dental s as a rule represents IE. s ; e. g. asva-s horse, Lat. equo-s ; as-ti, Gk. ea-ri. In Sandhi it is often replaced by the palatal s and still oftener by the cere- bral s.
13. The breathing h is a secondaiy sound repi'esenting as a rule the second half of an original guttural or palatal aspirate, but occasionally of the dental dh and the labial bh. It usually stands for palatalized gh, this origin being recognizable by the appearance of the guttural in cognate forms ; e. g. hdn-ti strihes beside ghn-anti, jaghana ; dudroha has injured beside drogha injurious. It sometimes represents an old palatal aspirate (= I-Ir. zh), as is recognizable by its being replaced as final or before t by a cerebral ; e. g. vah-ati carries beside a-vat has carried, udha (= uz-dha) for vah-ta. It stands for dh e. g. in gah-ate plunges beside gadha n. ford ; hi-ta placed beside dhi-ta from dha put. It represents bh in the verb grah seise beside grabh. The various origins of h led to a certain amount of confusion in the groups of forms from roots containing that sound. Thus beside mugdha, the phonetic past participle of muh be confused, appears mudha (AV.) bewildered.
14. Voiceless spirants. There are three such represent- ing original final s or r. Visarjanlya has its proper place in pausa. Jihvamuliya [formed at the root of the tongue) is the guttural spirant and is appropriate before initial voiceless
14 PHONETIC INTRODUCTION [14-15
gutturals (k, kh). UpadhmFintya {on-hrcathing) is the bi-labial spirant f and appears before voiceless labials (p, ph). Visarjanlya may take the place of the latter two, and always does so in the printed texts of the Samhitas.
15. Ancient pronunciation. As regards the pronuncia- tion prevailing about 500 b. c. we have a sufficiently exact knowledge derived from the transcription of Sanskrit words in foreign languages, especially Greek ; from the information contained in the old grammarians, Panini and his school ; and especially from the detailed statements of the Pratisakhyas, the ancient phonetic works dealing with the Samhitas. The internal evidence supplied by the phonetic changes occurring in the language of the texts themselves and the external evidence of comparative philology justify us in concluding that the pronunciation in the period of the Samhitas was practically the same as in Panini's time. The only possible exceptions are a very few doubtful points. The following few remarks will therefore suffice on the subject of pronunciation :
1. a. The vowels. The simple vowels i, u and a were pronounced as in Italian. But a in the time of the Pratisakhyas was already sounded as a very short close neutral vowel like the u in English liut. It is, however, probable from the fact that the metre hardly ever admits of S, being elided after e and o in the RV., though the written text drojjs it in about 75 percent, of the occurrences, that at the time when the hymns were composed the pronunciation of a was still open, but that, at the time when the Samhita text was constituted, the close pronun- ciation was already becoming general.
The vowel r, now usually sounded as ri (an early pro- nunciation as shown by the confusion of r and ri in ancient inscriptions and MSS.), was in the Samhitas pronounced as a vocalic r, somewhat like the sound in the final syllable of the French chumhre. It is described in the RV. Pratisakhya
J
15] PKONUNCIATION 16
as containing an r in the middle. This agrees with ere, the equivalent of r in Old Iranian.
The very rare vowel 1, now usually pronounced as Iri, was in the Samhitas a vocalic 1, descril^ed in the RV. Pratisakhya as corresponding to 1 representing an original r.
h. The diphthongs e and o were already pronounced as the simple long vowels e and 6 in the time of the Pratisakhyas ; and that this was even the case in the Samhitas is shown bj' the fact that their Sandhi before a was no longer ay and av, and that the a was beginning to be elided after e and o. But that they represent the original genuine diphthongs ai and au is shown by the fact that they are produced in Sandhi by the coalescence of a with i and u.
The diphthongs ai and au are at the present day pro- nounced as ai and au, and were so pronounced even at the time of the Pratisakhyas. But that they etymologically represent ai and au is shown by their Sandhi.
c. Lengthened vowels. The vowels i and u were often pronounced long before suffixal y ; e. g. su-ya-te is pressed (\/su) ; jani-yant desiring a tvifc (jani) ; also before r when a consonant follows; e.g. gir-bhis (but gir-as) ; a, i, u often become long before v ; e. g. a-vidh-yat he ivounded (a is augment) ; ji-gi-vams having conquered {Vji) ; rta-van observing order (rta) ; ya-vant how great ; as compensation for the loss of a following consonant ; e. g. gu-dha for guh-ta (15, 2 h) ; they are also often pronounced long for metrical reasons ; e. g. srudhi havam hear our prayer.
d. Svarabhakti.' When a consonant is in conjunction with r or a nasal, the metre shows that a very short vowel ^ must often be pronounced between them ; e. g. indra = ind^ra ; yajna = yaj'^na sacrifice ; gna = g"na tvoman.
^ A term used in the Pratisakhyas and meaning ' vowel-part '. ^ Described by the PriitiSakliyas as equ and generally as equivalent to a in sound
"^ Described by the PriitiSakliyas as equal to g-, ^, or | mora in length
16 PHONETIC INTRODUCTION [15
c. Loss of vowels. With very few exceptions the only vowel lost is initial a which, in one per cent, of its occurrences in the RV. and about 20 per cent, in the AV. and the metrical portions of the YV., is dropped in Sandhi after e and o. In a few words the disaj^pearance of initial a is prehistoric ; e. g. vi bird (Lat. avis) ; santi the>/ are (Lat. sunt).
f. Hiatus. In the written text of the Samhitas hiatus, though as a rule tolerated in dij^hthongs only, appears in Sandhi when a final s, y, v has been dropped before a following vowel ; when final i, u, e of dual endings are followed by vowels ; and when a remains after final e and o.
Though not written, hiatus is common elsewhere also in the Samhitas : y and v must often be pronounced as i and u, and a long vowel or diphthong as two vowels, the original vowels of contractions having often to be restored both within a word and in Sandhi ; e. g. jy^stha mightiest as jya-istha (= jya-istha from jya he miglity).
2. Consonants, a. The aspirates were double sounds, consisting of mutes followed by a breathing ; thus k-h is pronounced as in ' ink-horn ' ; t-h as in ' pot-house ' ; p-h as in ' top-heavy ' ; g-h as in ' log-house " ; d-h as in ' mad-house '; b-h as in ' Hob-house '.
h. The gutturals were no doubt velars or sounds pro- duced by the back of the tongue against the soft palate. They are described by the Pratisakhyas as formed at the ' root of the tongue ' and at the ' root of the jaw '.
c. The palatals c, j, ch are pronounced like ch in ' church ', j in 'join', and ch in the second part of .' Churchill'.
d. The cerebrals were pronounced somewhat like the so-called dentals t, d, n in English, but with the tip of the tongue turned farther back against the roof of the mouth. They include the cerebral 1 and Ih which in Rigvedic texts take the place of d and dh between vowels. The latter occurs medially only ; the former finally also.
15] PKONUNCIATION 17
Examples are: ila refreshment; tura-sal abhi-bhuty6jah ; a-salha invincible.
e. The dentals in the time of the PiTitisakhyas were post-dentals, being produced by the tongue, according to their description, at the ' root of the teeth ' (danta-mula),
/. The class nasals are produced with organs of speech in the same position as for the formation of the correspond ing mutes while the breath passes through the nose The pure nasal, when called Anunasika, combines with the preceding vowel to form a single sound, a nasalized vowel as in the French 'bon'; when called Anusvara {after sound), it forms in combination with the preceding vowel two successive sounds, a pure vowel immediately followed by the pure nasal, though seeming to form a single sound, as in the English 'bang' (where, however, the nasal is guttural, not pure).
g. The semivowel y is the voiced palatal spirant produced in the same place as the palatal vowel i. The semivowel v is described by the Pratisakhyas as a voiced labio -dental spirant. It is like the English v or the German w. The semivowel r must originally have been a cerebral, as is shown by its phonetic effect on a following dental n. By the time of the Pratisakhj^as it was pronounced in other positions also. Thus the RV. Pratisalihya speaks of it as either post-dental or produced farther back (but not as cerebral).
The semivowel 1 is described in the Pratisakhyas as pronounced in the same position as the dentals, which means that it was a post-dental.
h. The sibilants are all voiceless. The dental s sounds like s in ' sin ' ; the cerebral s like sh in ' shun ' (but with the tip of the tongue farther back) ; while the palatal is produced midway between the two, being the sibilant pro- nounced in the same place as the spirant in the Grerman ich. Though the voiced sibilants z, z (palatal = French j),
1819 C
18 PHONETIC INTRODUCTION [16
7., zh (cerebral) have entirely disappeared, they have generally left traces of their foi'mer existence in the phonetic changes they have produced.
i. The sound h was undoubtedly pronounced as a voiced breathing in the Samhitas. The Pratisakhyas describe it as voiced and as identical with the second element of voiced aspirates (g-h, d-h, b-h). This is corroborated by the spelling ^ 1-h (= dh) beside 36 1 (= d).
j. There are three voiceless spirants appearing only as finals. The usual one, called Visarjanlya in the Pratisakhyas, is according to the Taittirlya Pratisakhya articulated in the same place as the end of the preceding vowels. Its place may be taken by Jihvamullya before the voiceless initial gutturals k, kh ; and by Upadhmanlya before the voiceless initial labials p, ph. These two are regarded by the EV. Pratisakhya as forming the second half of the voiceless aspirates kh and ph respectively (just as h forms the second half of gli, bh, &c.). They are therefore the guttural spirant (Greek) x ^^^^ ^^^ bilabial spirant f respectively.
7c. Loss of consonants. This is almost entirely confined to groups of consonants. When the group is final, all but the first element, as a rule, is dropped in pausa and in Sandhi (28). In initial consonant groups a sibilant is often lost before a mute ; e. g. candra shining beside scandra ; stanayitnu m. beside tanayitnii thunder; tayii m. beside stayii thief; tr beside str m. star ; pasyati sees beside spas m. S2)y, -spas-ta seen. In a medial group the sibilants s and s regularly disappear between mutes ; e. g. a-bhak-ta, 3. s. aor. for a-bhak-s-ta beside a-bhak-s-i. A mute may disappear between a nasal and a mute ; e. g. yun-dhi for yung-dhi.
tt. Medially, voiced sibilants, the dental z, the cerebral z, and the palatal z, have disappeared before the voiced dentals d, dh, and h, but nearly always leaving a trace of their former existence. Only in the two roots containing a,
i
15] PEONUNCIATION 19
as sit, sas oidcr, the sibihmt has disappeared without a trace : a-dhvam, sa-sa-dhi. But when a preceded the z the loss of the sibilant is indicated by e taking the place of az ; e. g. e-dhi (for az-dhi) from as he ; sed, perfect stem of sad sit for sazd ; similarly in de-hi give (for daz-dhi) beside dad-dhi. When other vowels than a preceded, the z was cerebralized and disappeared after cerebralizing the follow- ing dental and lengthening the preceding vowel ; thus a-sto-dhvam (= a-stoz-dhvam for a-sto-s-dhvam) 2. pi. aor. beside a-sto-s-ta ; similarly midha n. retvanl (Gk. /xto-^o-s). Similarly the old voiced palatal z disappeared after cerebralizing a following d or dh and lengthening the preceding vowel ; e. g. ta-dhi for taz-dhi (= tak-s-dhi) from taks fashion] so-dha for sas-dha (= sak-s-dha) beside sas-tha sixtlt. Still commoner is the loss of the old aspirated palatal zh represented by h, which was dropped after cerebralizing and aspirating a following t and lengthening the preceding vowel ; e. g. sa-dhr for sah-tr conqueror from sah ; giidha concealed for guh-ta (from guzh-ta).
I. Haplology. When two identical or similar syllables are in juxtaposition, one of them is sometimes dropped ; e. g. tuvi-ra[va]-van roaring miglitily beside tuvi-rava ; ir[adh]adhyai inf. of iradh sceTi to win ; ma-dugha m. a plant yielding honey, beside madhu-dilgha shedding sweet- ness; sirsa-[sajkti f. headache.
0-2
20
CHAPTER II
RULES OF SANDHI OR EUPHONIC COMBINATION
OF SOUNDS
16. Though the sentence is naturally the nnit of speech, which forms an unbroken chain of syllables euphonically combined, it is strictly so only in the prose portions of the AV. and the YV. But as the great bulk of the Vedas is metrical, the editors of the Samhita text treat the hemistich (generall}'^ consisting of two Padas or verses) as the euphonic unit, being specially strict in applying the rules of Sandhi between the verses forming the hemistich. But the evidence of metre supported by that of accent shows that the Pada is the true euphonic unit. The form which the final of a word shows varies according as it appears in pausa at the end of a Pada, or in combination with a following word within the Pada. With the former is concerned the law of finals in pausa, with the latter the rules of Sandhi. Avoidance of hiatus and assimilation are the leading principles on which the rules of Sandhi are based.
Though both are in general founded on the same phonetic laws, it is necessary, owing to certain differences, to dis- tinguish external Sandhi, which determines the changes of final and initial letters of words, from internal Sandhi, which applies to the final letters of verbal roots and nominal stems when followed by certain suffixes and terminations.
a. The rules of external Sandhi apply with few exceptions (which are survivals from an earlier stage of external Sandhi) to words forming compounds, and to final letters of nominal stems before the case-endings beginning with consonants {-bhyam -bhis, -bhyas, -su) or before secondary (182, 2) suffixes beginning with any consonant except y.
i
17-18] EXTEENAL SANDHI 21
A. Extei'nal Sandhi. Classification of Vowels.
17. Vowels are divided into
A. 1. Simple vowels: aa;ii;uu;rr; 1.
2. Guna vowels : a a ; e o ar al.
3. Vrdd hi vowels: a ; ai ; au ; ar.^
a. Guna {secondary quality) has the appearance of Ijeing the simple vowel strengthened by combination with a pre- ceding a according to the rule (19 «) of external Sandhi (except that a itself remains unchanged) ; Vrddhi {increase), of being the Guna vowel strengthened by combination with another a.^
B.- 1. Vowels liable to be changed into semivowels : i, i ; u, u ; r^ and the diphthongs e, ai, o, au (the latter half of which is i or u) : consonantal vowels.
2. Vowels not liable to be changed into semivowels (and only capable of coalescence) : a, a : unconsonantal vowels.
Combination of Pinal and Initial Vowels.
18. If the same simple vowel (short or long) occurs at the end of one word and the beginning of the next, contraction resulting in the long vowel ^ is the rule in the written text of the Samhitas. Thus ihasti = iha asti ; indra = indra a ; tvagne = tva agne ; vidam = vi idam ; siiktani = su uktam.
^ The Vrddhi form of 1 (vvliich would be al) does not occur.
- In this vowel gradation, as Comparative Philology shows, the Guna vowel rejjresents the normal stage, from which the simple vowel was reduced by loss of accent, while Vrddhi is a lengthened variety of Guna (5 a). The reduction of the syllables ya, va, ra (which are parallel with the Guna stage) to the corresponding vowels i, u, r (5 h) is termed Samprasarana (distnicUon).
^ r never appears under conditions rendering it liable to be changed into r (cp. 4 a, p. 4).
^ r does not occur because rr never meet in the Samhitas, and final r does not even occur in the RV.
^2 EXTERNAL VOWEL SANDHI [I8-10
a. The contraction of a + a and of u + u occasionally does not take place, even in the written text of the RV., both between the Padas of a hemistich and within a Pada ; thus manisa I agnih. ; manisa abhi ; vilu uta ; su urdhvah ; and in a compound, su-utayah.
h. On the other hand, the metre requires the contracted vowels of the written text to be restored in pronunciation. In such cases the restored initial is long by nature or position, while the preceding final, if long, must be shortened.^ Thus casat is pronounced as ca asat ; carcata as ca areata ; map^h as ma ap6h (for ma ap61i) ; mrlatidrse as mrlati idrse ; yantindavah as yanti indavah ; bhavantuksanah as bhavantu uksanah. When the first word is a mono- syllable (especially vi or hi), the written contractions i and u are usually to be pronounced with hiatus ; thus hindra as hi indra.
19. a and a
a. coalesce with the simple vowels 1 '^ and u to the Guna vowels e and o ^ respectively ; e. g. ihoha = iha iha ; pit6va = pita iva ; 6m = a im ; 6bha = a ubha.* They are never contracted to ar in the written text of the RV. or VS. ; ^ but the metre shows that the combination is sometimes to be pronounced as ar, for instance in the compound sapta-rsayah the seven seers = saptarsayah.
^ Because of tlio prosodical rule that a long vowel is always shortened before another vowel. Cf. note 5.
2 Occasionally a -f i remain uncontracted in the written text of the RV., as jya iyam, piba imam, ranaya ih^.
' This contraction is a survival because e and o arc simijle long vowels, but they were originally = ai, au.
* But in many instances where the contraction is written, the original simple vowels must be restored with hiatus ; thus subhdgosah = subhaga usah.
s a is always shortened or nasalized before r in the written text ; e. g. td.tha rtuh (for tatha) ; vipanyam rtfisya (for vipanya).
19-21] EXTERNAL VOWEL SANDIII 23
h. coalesce with Guna vowels to Vrcldhi ; e. g. aibhih = a ebhih.^
c. are absorbed by Vrddhi vowels ; e. g. somasyaii^ijah = sdmasya ausijah.
20. The simple consonantal vowels i and u before dis- similar vowels or before diphthongs are regularly changed to the semivowels y and v respectively in the written text of the Samhitas ; e. g. praty ayam = prati ayam ; jdnitry ajijanat = janitri ajijanat ; a tv 6ta, = a tii 6ta. But the evidence of the metre shows that this y or v nearly always has the syllabic value of i or u.^ Thus vy usah must be read as vi usah ; vidathesv anjan as vidathesu anjan.
a. Final r (which does not occur in the RV.) becomes r before a dissimilar vowel ; an example is vijnatr etat = vijnatr etat (SB.).
21. The Guna vowels e and o
a. remain unchanged before a,^ which is generally ^ elided in the written text of the Samhitas, biit according to the evidence of the metre, must almost invariably in the RV., and generally in the AV. and YV., be pronounced,^ whether written or not." In devaso apturah (i. 3^) the a is both
^ a instead of contracting with e is sometimes nasalized befoi-e it : aminantam 6vaih. (for a e) ; updstham eka (for a e). Again a is sometimes elided before e and o ; as up'esatu (for a e), yath'ohise (for a o).
2 Because i and u are prosodically shortened before a following vowel (p. 22, note 1).
^ The exceptional treatment of e in stdtava ambyam for stotavs ambyam is a survival showing that the Sandhi of e and o before a was originally the same as before other vowels.
* In the RV. it is elided in about 75 per cent., in the AV. in about 66 per cent, of its occurrences.
^ In the RV. it must be pronounced in 99 per cent., in the AV. and the metrical parts of the YV. in about 80 per cent, of its occurrences.
^ The frequent elision of the a in the written text compared with its almost invariable retention in the original text of the RV., indicates a period of transition between the latter and the total elision of the post-Vedic period.
24 EXTERNAL VOWEL SANDHI [21-23
written and pronounced ; in sunav6 'gne (i. 1") it must be restored as sunave I agne.
h. before every other vowel (or diphthong) would naturally' become ay and av (the form they assume within a word), but the former drops the semivowel throughout, while the latter does so only before a ; e. g. agna iha (for agnay) ; vaya ukth^bhih (for vayav) ; but vayav a yahi.
22. The Vrddlii vowels at and au are treated before every vowel (including a) or diphthong exactly in the same way as e and o before vowels other than a. Thus ai becomes a (through ay) throughout, but au only before u ^ (through av) ; e. g. tasma aksi (for tasmay), tasma indraya ; sujihva lipa (for sujihvav), but tav a, tav indragni.
a. The (secondary) hiatus caused by the dropping of y and v in the above cases {21 h and 22) as a rule remains. But further contraction is sometimes actually written in the Samhitas ; e. g. sartavajau for sartava ajau (through sartavay for sartavai) ; vasau for va asau (through vay for vai). Sometimes, again, the contraction, though not written, is required by the metre. Thus ta indra must be pronounced as tendra, and gostha lipa (AV.) for gosth^ lipa (through gosthay) as gosthopa.
Irregular Vowel Sandhi.
23. Vrddhi instead of Guna results from the contraction of a. the preposition a (in the AV. and VS.) with initial r
in arti = a rti and in archatu = a rchatu. In the case of the latter verb, the TS. extends this contraction to prei^ositions ending in a : liparchati = upa rehati and avarchati = ava rehati.
1 Because e and o were originally = ai and au.
2 Tliis is also the Sandhi of the AB. and KB.
23-25] ABSENCE OF VOWEL SANDHI 25
h. The preposition pra (in the EV.) with initial i in praisayur = pra isayui*.
c. The augment a with the initial vowels i, u, r ;' e. g. aichas 2. s. imj^f. of is wish ; aunat 3. s. impf. of ud tvet ; arta 3, s. aor. of r go.
Absence of Vowel Sandhi.
24. The particle u is unchangeable- in pronunciation before vowels, though as a rule written as v after a con- sonant ;' e. g. bha u amsave, but av6d v indra. When it combines with the final a of a particle to o, in 6 = a u, atho = atha u, uto = uta u, mo = ma u, it remains unchanged even in the written text ; e, g. atho indraya.
25. a. The i and u of the dual (nom. ace.) never change to y and v. This dual i is never to be pronounced short, but the u sometimes is ; e. g. hari (v^ -) rtasya, but sadhu (- w) asmai. This i may remain before i, as in hari iva, but in several instances the contraction is written, as in r6dasim6 = rodasi im6, while in several others, though not written, it must be pronounced.
h. The rare locatives singular in i and u are also regularly written unchanged in the EV.,'' but they seem always to be treated as prosodically short.
c. The i of the nom. plur. m. (of the pronoun asau) ami is always given as unchangeable in the Pada text (ami iti), but it never happens to occur before a vowel in the EV.
* This is perhaps a survival of a prehistoric contraction of a (the original form of the augment) witli i, u, r to ai, au, ar.
^ The term applied by the native phoneticians to uncliangeable vowels is pragrhya separated. Such vowels are indicated in the Pada text by an appended iti. u is always there written in its lengthened and nasalized form as iim iti.
2 It is occasionally written unchanged in its lengthened form even after a consonant, as tdm vi akrnvan.
* Except vedy asyam, to be pronounced vedi asyam.
26 CONSONANT SANDHI [25-27
a. Tho i of the nora. s. in prthivi, prthu-jrdyi, samrajiii rarely, of the instr. su^ami once, and of the instr. uti often, remains unchanged before vowels ;^ o. g. sanirajni ^dhi, susfimi abhuvan.
26. The diphthong e is unchangeable in various nominal and verbal forms.
a. The e of the nom. ace. dual {■= a + i), fern, and neut. of a stems, is not liable to Sandhi ; ^ e. g. rodasi ubh6 rghayamanam.
h. The verbal dual e^ of the 2. 3. pres. and perf. mid. never combines, though it is nearly always prosodically shortened ; e. g. parimamnathe asman.
c. The e of the locative of the pronominal forms tv6 in thee, asni6 ^ in us, yusm6 in you are unchangeable ; ^ e. g. tv6 it ; asm6 ayuh ; yusm6 ittha.
Combination of Final and Initial Consonants.
27. The external Sandhi of consonants is primarily and almost exclusively concerned with the assimilation of a final to a following initial sound. Since the Sandhi of final consonants generally speaking starts from the form they assume in pausa," it is necessary to state the law of allowable finals at the outset. That law may be formulated as follows : only unaspirated hard mutes, nasals, and Visarjanlya are tolerated, and palatals are excluded, as finals. By this law the thirty-nine consonants classified in § 3 are reduced to
* The unchangeableness of the vowel here being only occasional is not indicated with iti in the Pada text.
* Except dhisnyeme for dhisnye im6, as it is also probably to bo pronounced.
^ Under the influence of the nominal dual e ; for there was origin- ally no difference between this dual e and any other e in middle forms, such as the dual vahe, sing, te, aiad the plur. ante.
* Also used as dat. in the RV.
^ They are always written with iti in the Piida text. ® Final n and r are, however, to a considerable extent treated not on the basis of their pausal form, but of etymology.
27-28] EXTERNAL SANDHI OF CONSONANTS 27
the following eight as permissible in pausa : — k, n ; t ; t, n ; p, m ; Visarjaniya.
The aspirate and soft mutes (3 b) are eliminated, leaving only hard unaspirated mutes to represent them. The palatals (3 h /3), including s (3 d), and h (3 e), are replaced by k or t (n by n).
s (3 d) is replaced by t, s (3 (7) and r (3 c) by Visarjaniya. The nasal n (Shy) and the three semivowels y, 1, v (3 c) do not occur.
28. The rule is that only a single consonant may be final. Hence all but the first of a group of consonants must be dropi^ed ; e. g. abhavan 3. pi. impf. were (for abhavant) ; tan ace. pi. those (for tans) ; tudan striking (for tudants) ; pran fonvard (through prank for pranc-s) ; aehan 3. s. aor. has pleased (for achantst).
a. k, t, or t, when they follow an r and belong to the root, are allowed to remain ; ' e. g. vark 3. s. aor. of vrj hend (for vark-t) ; urk nom. s. of urj strength; a-mart 3. s. impf. of mrj wipe ; a-vart 3. s. aor. of vrt turn ; su-hart nom. s. of suhard friend.
a. There are seven instances in the Sanihitas in which a siiffixal s or t is retained instead of the preceding radical consonant. (1) s tlius api^eara in the following four nominatives sing. : sadha-mas beside sadha-mat (for sadha-mad-s) companio7i of the feast ; ava-yas (for ava- yaj-s) f. sacrificial share ; avayas (for avayaj-s) ni. a kind of priest ; puro-das sacrificial cake (for piiro-das-s).^ (2) s or t similarly ajipears in the following four singular verbal preterite forms : a-ya-s (for d-yaj-s) beside a-yat 2 s. aor. of yaj sacrifice ; a-sras (for d-sraj-s) 2. s. aor. of srj emit ; a-bhanas (for a-bhanak-s) 2. s. impf. of bhanj break ; and a-sra^ (for a-sras-t)3 3. s. aor. of sras fall.
1 The only instance of a suffix remaining after r is in dar-t 3. s. aor. of dr cleave beside d,-dar 2. s. (for d-dar-s).
- The s is probably due to the analogy of nominatives, like mas moon, dravino-da-s wealth-giver, &c.
3 The appearance of s or t here is due to the beginnings of the
28 EXTEKNAL CONSONANT SANDHl [29
Classification of Consonants.
29. The assimilation, of which the application of the rules of consonant Sandhi consists, is of two kinds. It is concerned either with a shift of the phonetic position in which a consonant is articulated, or with a change of the quality of the consonant. Hence it is necessary to understand fully the classification of consonants from these two aspects. In §Sh c d (cp. 15, 2b-h) an arrangement according to the place of articulation is given of all the consonants except four, the breathing h and the three voiceless spirants, which are phonetically described in § 15, 2 ij.
a. Contact of the tongue with the throat produces the gutturals, with the palate the palatals, with the roof of th« mouth the cerebrals, with the teeth the dentals, while contact between the lips produces the labials.
b. In forming the nasals of the five classes, the breath partially passes through the nose while the tongue or the lips are in the position for articulating the corresponding tenuis. The real Anusvara is formed in the nose only, while the tongue is in the position for forming the particular vowel which the Anusvara accompanies.
c. The semivowels y, r, 1, v are palatal, cerebral, dental, and labial respectively, pronounced in the same position as the corresponding vowels i, r, 1, u, the tongue being in partial contact with the place of articulation in the first three, and the lips in partial contact in the fourth.
d. The three sibilants are hard spirants produced by partial contact of the tongue with the palate, roof, and teeth respectively. There are no corresponding soft sibilants (English z, French j), but their prehistoric existence may be infei-red from various phenomena of Sandhi (cp. 15, 2 Jca).
tendency to normalize the terminations so as to have s in the 2. s. and t in the 3. s. Some half-dozen examples of this have been found in the Brahmanas ; e. g. a-ves 2. s. impf. (= a-ved-s) from vid knoiv.
29-32] EXTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI 29
e. h and h are respectively soft and hard spirants produced without any contact, and articulated in the position of the vowel that precedes or follows, h occurs only before soft letters, h only after vowels and before certain hard letters.
30. Quality of consonants. Consonants are
1. either hard (surd, voiceless) : k kh, c ch, t th, t th, p ph ; s s s ; h h h (3) ;
or soft (sonant, voiced) : all the rest (3) (besides all the vowels and diphthongs).
2. either aspirated : kh gh, eh jh, th dh Ih, th dh, ph bh, h h h h, s s s ;
or unaspirated : all the rest.
Hence the change of c to k is a change of the position of articulation (palatal to guttural), and that of e to j is a change of quality (hard to soft) ; while the change of c to g (hard palatal to soft guttural) or of t to j (hard dental to soft palatal) is one of both position and quality.
31. It is essential to remember that consonant Sandhi cannot be applied till finals have been reduced to one of the eight allowable sounds (27). The latter are then modified without reference to their etymological value (except partially in the case of n and Visarjaniya). Only six of these allowable finals occur at all frequently, viz. k, t, n, p, m, and Visarjaniya, while the cerebral t and the guttural n are rare.
I. Changes of Quality.
32. A final consonant (that is, a mute or Visarjaniya) is assimilated in quality to the following initial, becoming soft before soft initials, and remaining hard before hard initials (consonants).
Hence final k, t, t, p before vowels and soft consonants become g, d, d, b respectively ; e. g. arvag radhah (through arvak for arvae) ; havyavad jtihvasyah (through -vat for -vah) ; sal urvih (through sat for sas : cp. 3 6 y) ; gamad
30 EXTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI [32-37
vajebhih (for gdmat) ; agnid rtayatah (through agnit for agnidh) ; tristiib gayatrl (through tristiip for tristubh) ; abja (for ap-ja).
33. Final k, t, t, p before n or m may, and in practice regularly do, become the nasal of their own class ; e. g. pranan martyasya (through pranag for pranak) ; viran mitravarunayoh (through virad for virat) ; san-navati (TS.) (through sat-) for sas-navati ; asin nd (through asid for asit) ; tan mitrasya (for tad) ; trikakum nivartat (through trikakub for trikakiip from trikakiibh).
34. Final t becomes 1 through d ; e. g. angal lomnah (for an gat).
35. Since the nasals have no corresponding hard sounds, they remain unchanged in quality before initial hard sounds. The guttural n,^ which is rare, remains otherwise unmodified also (cp. 52) ; but it may before sibilants insert a transitional k, e. g. pratyank sa beside pratydn sa. Final m is liable to change of position before all consonants (42). Final dental n is liable to change before vowels (42, 52), palatals, dentals, the semivowel 1, and sometimes p (40).
36. The dental nasal n remains unchanged before (1) the gutturals k, kh, g, gh; (2) the labials p,^ ph, b, bh, m ; (3) the soft dentals d, dh, n; generally also before t (40, 2) ; (4) the semivowels y, r, v, and the breathing h ; (5) the cerebral and the dental sibilants s and s.
a. Before s and s a transitional t may be inserted, e.g. ahan-t sahasa ; tan-t sam.
II. Changes of Position.
37. The only four final consonants (27) liable to change of position are the dental t and n, the labial m, and Visar- janiya.
^ The palatal and cerebral nasals, as has already been stated, do not occur as finals. ^ Before p it sometimes becomes mh ; cp. 40, 5.
37-40] EXTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHl 31
a. The two dentals become palatal before palatals.' h. Visarjanlya and m adapt themselves to the phonetic position of the following consonant.
1. Final t.
38. Final t before palatals (c, j, ch, s) is changed to a palatal (e or j) ; e.g. tac eaksuh for tat caksuh; yatayaj- jaaa for yatayat-jana; rohic chyava for rohit syava.-
2. Final n.
39. Final n before vowels is changed, after a long vowel, to Anusvara : if the preceding vowel is a, to m, if it is i, u, f, to mr ;" e. g. sargam iva for sargan ; vidvam agne for vidvan ; paridhimr ati for paridhm ; abhisumr iva for abhisiin : nrmr* abhi for nrn.
40. 1. Final n before all palatals that occur becomes palatal fi ; e.g. urdhvan carathaya for urdhvan ; tafi jusetham for tan ; vajrin snathihi for vajrin ; but since before s a transitional t may be inserted, vajrnt snathihi may (through vajrinc ■' snathihi) become vajrn chnathihi.''
a. Before c the palatal sibilant is sometimes inserted '^ in the EV., the preceding n then becoming Anusvara. This
' Final dentals never come into contact with initial cerebrals in the Sainhitas. No initial cerebral mutes occur in the RV., and even the cerebral sibilant s occurs only in sds six and its compounds, and once in sat for sat from sah.
2 On the change of s to eh after c see 53.
^ Both m and mr here represent original ns through mh, the Sandhi of h being here the same as that of ah ih uh rh before vowels, an in Tin remain unchanged at the end of a Pada (as being in pausa) before a vowel ; e. g. devayanan ' atandrah (i. 72'').
* fmr occurs only once, otherwise remaining unchanged as fn, because two r sounds are avoided in the same syllable (cf. Vedic Orammar, § 79).
5 That is, t before s becomes c (38).
« That is, after c initial s may become ch (53).
' There are no examples of the inserted sibilant before ch in the Samhitas.
32 EXTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI [40-41
insertion takes place, only when the sibilant is etymologically justified/ almost exclusively (though not without exception even here ^) before ca and cid ; e. g. anuyajams ca, amenams eit. In the later Samhitas the inserted sibilant becomes commoner, occurring even where not etymologi- cally justified.^
2. Final n usually remains unchanged before dental t,'' e. g. tvavan tmana ; but the dental sibilant is sometimes inserted in the RV., the preceding n then becoming Anusvara. This insertion takes place, only when the sibilant is historically justified;^ e.g. avadarns tvam (for avadan). In the later Samhitas the inserted sibilant becomes commoner, occurring even where not etymo- logically justified.^
3. Final n before initial 1 always becomes nazalized 1; e. g. jigival laksam.
4. Though final n generally remains unchanged before y, r, V, h (36, 4), an, in, tin sometimes become am, imr, urar as before vowels (39) ; e. g, devan havamahe ; Ijut svavam yatu (for svavan) ; dadvam va (for dadvan) ; pivo-annam rayivrdhah (for annan) ; panimr hatam (for panin) ; das- 5ru.mr yonau (for dasyun).
5. Final n when etymologically representing ns sometimes becomes mh before p (36, 2) ; thus nrmh pahi (for nrn) ; nfmh patram ; svatavamh payiih (for svatavan).
3. Final m.
41. Final m remains unchanged before vowels ; e.g. agnim ile I praise Agni.
^ That is, in the nom. s. and ace. pi. m., whicli originally ended in ns.
^ E.g. pa^un ca sthatrn car^tham (i. 72^).
^ As in the 3. pi. impf., e. g. dbhavan (originally abhavan-t' and the voc. and loc. of n stems, e. g. rajan (which never ended in s).
* No initial th occurs in the RV.
41-42] EXTEKNAL CONSONANT SANDHI . 33
a. In a very few instances the m is dropped and the vowels there- upon contract. This Sandhi is mostly indicated by the metre only : thus rastram ihil must be pronounced rastr6ha. It is very rarely written, as in durgahait^t for diirg^hani etat. The Pada text, however, neither here (durg^ha etat) nor elsewhere analyses a contraction in this way.
42. Final m before consonants is changed
1. before the semivowel r, the three sibilants s, s, s and the breathing h to Anusvara ; e. g. hotaram ratnadha- tamam (for hotaram) ; vardhamanam sve (for vardha- manam) ; mitram huve (for mitram).^
2. before y, 1, v it becomes nasalized y, 1, v ; but the printed texts regularly use Anusvara - instead ; e. g. sam yudhi ; yajnam vastu.'
3. before mutes it becomes the class nasal, ^ and n before n '^ ; e.g. bhadraii karisyasi ; tyan camasam ; navan tvastuh. ; bhadran nah. Most MSS. and the printed texts, however, represent this assimilated m by Anusvara ^ ; e. g. bhadram karisyasi ; tyam camasam ; navam tvastuh ; bhadram nah.
a. This Sandhi is identical with that of u befoi-e the palatals c,j, ch (40) and the soft dentals d, dh, u (36, 3), and of t before n (33).
' Anusvara seems to have been used originally before the sibilants and h only. Compounds like saiu-raj show that m originally remained unchnnged before r (49 h).
2 The Taittiriya Prati^akhya allows the optional use of Anusvara before these semivowels.
^ Forms with internal m like yam-y^mana and Spa-mlukta show that m originally remained unchanged in extei'nal Sandhi before y and 1 ; and forms like jagan-van (from gam go) point to its having at one time become n before v in Sandhi.
* Before labials it of course remains.
^ This assimilation befoi'e n being identical with that of d, led to ambiguity in some instances and consequent wrong analysis by the Padapatha.
" Max Miiller in his editions prints Anusvara throughout, even befoi'e labials ; Aufrecht has Anusvara except before labials, where he retains m.
1819 D
34 EXTEKNAL CONSONANT SANDHI [43
4. Final Visarjaniya.
43. Visarjaniya is the spirant to which the hard s and the corresponding soft r are reduced in pausa. If followed by a hard sound,
1. a palatal (c, ch) or a dental (t) mute, it becomes the corresponding sibilant ; e. g. devas eakrma (through devah for devas) ; pus ca (through puh ca for piir ca,) ; ' yas te (for yah) ; anvibhis tana (for -bhih).
a. Visarjaniya, if preceded by i and u, before dental t often becomes cerebral s, which cerebralizes the following initial t to t. In the RV. this occurs chiefly, and in the later Vedas only, before pronouns ; e. g. agnis te ; kratus tarn ; also n^kis tanusu. In compounds this change takes place in all the Sanihitas ; e. g. dus-tara hard to pass.^
2. a guttural (k, kh) or labial (p, ph) mute, it either remains or becomes Jihvamullya (h) before the gutturals and UpadhmanTya (h) before the labials ; e. g. visnoh karmani (for visnos) ; indrah. panca (for indras) ; punah- punah (for punar) ; dyauh prthivl.
a. After a it often, in the RV., becomes s, and s after i, u, r ;^ e. g. divds pari ; pdtnivatas krdhi ; dyaus pita. In compounds this change takes place regularly in all the Samhitas ; e. g. -pareis-pa, far-proiectitig ; havis-pa drinking the offering ; dus-krt evil-doing, dus-p£d evil-footed.
3. a simple sibilant, it either remains or is assimilated ; e. g. vah sivatamah. or vas sivatamah ; d6vih sat or d6vis sat ; nah sapatnah or nas sapatnah ; piinah, sam or punas sam.^ Assimilation is undoubtedly the original Sandhi ;
^ This combination (in which Visarjaniya i-ejiresents original r) is contrary to etymology, but is universal in sentence Sandhi and is subject to only two exceptions in compounds : svar-caksas and svar- canas.
~ The only exception in the RV. is catus-trimsat thirty-four.
2 This treatment before gutturals and labials corresponds to that before t (1 a), and was doubtless the original one in sentence Sandhi.
* This combination (in which Visarjaniya represents original r), though contrary to etymology, is universal in external Sandhi ; but
43-46] EXTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI 35
but the MSS. usually employ Visarjaniya and European editions regularly do so.
a. Before a sibilant immediately followed by a hard mute, a final Visarjaniya is dropped ; e. g. mandibhi stomebhih (through mandi- bhih for mandibhis) ; du-stuti f. ill-praise (for dus-stuti). The dropping is i>rescribed by the Prati^akhyas of the RV., the VS., and the TS., and is applied by Aufrecht in his edition of the RV.
b. Before a sibilant immediately followed by a nasal or semivowel, a final Visarjaniya is optionally dropped ; e g. krta sravah (for krtah) ; ni-svarani (through nih- foi- uis-).
44. Visarjaniya (except after a or a) before a soft sound (vowel or consonant) is changed to r; e.g. rsibhir idyah (through rsibhih for rslbhis) ; agnir h6ta (through agnih for agnis) ; paribhur asi (through -bhuh for -bhus).
45. 1. The final syllable ah (= as) drops its Visarjaniya before vowels or soft consonants ; e. g. suta ini6 (through sutah for sutas) ; visva vi (through visvah for visvas).
2. The final syllable ah (= as)
a. drops its Visarjaniya before vowels except a ; e. g. khya a (through khyah for khyas).
h. before soft consonants and before a, is changed to o, after which a may be elided (21 a) ; e. g. indavo vara (through indavah for indavas) ; no ati (through nah for nas) or no 'ti.
46. The final syllables ah (= ar) and ah (= ar), in the comparatively few instances ' in which the Visarjaniya represents an etymological r, do not form an exception (45) to the general rule (44) ; e. g. pratar agnih ; piinar nah ; svar druhah ; var avayati.
in compounds the original r frequently remains ; e. g. vanar-sad, dhur-sdd, &c. This survival shows that r originally remained before sibilants in sentence Sandhi,
1 r is original in dvar door, var protector, var water ; ahar day, us^r daini, udhar udder, vadhar weapon, vanar icood, svar light ; ant^r within, avdr down, piinar again, pratar early ; the voc, of r stems, e.g. bhratar ; the 2. 3. s. of past tenses from roots in r, e. g. avar, from vr cover.
D 2
36 EXTEENAL CONSONANT SANDHI [47-49
47. r followed by r is always dropped, a preceding short vowel being lengthened ; e. g. puna rupani for punar.^
48. The three pronouns (nom. m. s.) sah that, syah that, esah this, drop the Visarjanlya before all consonants ; '^ e. g. sa vanani, sya dutali, esa tarn. The Visarjaniya is here otherwise treated regularly ; ■* at the end of a Pada, e. g. padista sah i cakra esah i , and before vowels, e. g. s6 apah, eso asura, eso 'manclan (for amandan) ; sd osadhih, esd indrah.
a. sd, however, generally combines in the EV. with a following vowel ; e. g. sasmai for sk asmai ; sed for sd id ; s^usadhih for sa osadhih.
Sandhi in Compounds.
49. The euphonic combination at the junction of the members of compounds is on the whole subject to the rules prevailing in external Sandhi. Thus the evidence of metre shows that contracted vowels are often to be pronounced with hiatus when the initial vowel of the second member is prosodically long (cp. 18 h) ; e. g. yukta-asva (for yuktasva) having yoked horses, deva-iddha Jcindled htj the gods (for dev6ddha), aeha-ukti (for aehokti) invitation.
Compounds have, however, preserved many archaisms of Sandhi which have disappeared from Sandhi in the sentence.
a. In vis-pati lord of the house and vis-pd.tni mistress of the house s remains instead of the i* required by external Sandhi.
b. In sam-raj sovereign ruler m appears instead of the Anusvara required befoi'e r (42, 1), as in sam-rajantam.
' In a few instances o appears instead of a (= ar) under the influence of ah as the pausal form of neuters in as ; e. g. iidho romasfim (for iadha = iidhar) ; also in the comioound aho-ratra for aha-.
2 sdh, however, twice retains it in the RV. ; si,h. paliknih (v. 2*) and sds tava (viii. 33^^) for sah.
^ sydh never occurs in the RV. before a vowel or at the end uf a Padn.
■' vis-pati has in post-Vedic Sanskrit become vitpati.
49-50] EXTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI 37
c. A group of compounds formed with dus ill ;is first meml)er com- bine that adverb with a following d and n to du-d (= duz-d) and du-n ( = duz-n) instead of dur-d and dur-n ;! du-dabha (for dus-dd.bha) liard to deceive, du-das not worshipping (for dus-das), du-dhi malevolent (for dus-dhi); dii-ndsa hard to attain (for dur-n^sa), du-nasa (for dus-nasa) hard to attain and hard to destroy,
d. Final (etymological) r in the first member is preserved in the RV. before hard sounds where the rules of external Sandhi require Visaj-janiya or a sibilant (43): -v&v-^&VYi. producing water ; svd,r-caksas brilliant as light; pur-pati lord of the stronghold, svar-pati lord of lieaven; vanar-sad and vanar-s^d sitting in the loood, dhur-sad hdng on the yoke ; svar-sa winning light; sv&,r-sati acquisition oflight.^ The VS. also has ahar-pdti lord of day, and dhur-sah. bearing the yoke.^
e. Radical stems in ir, ur mostly lengthen their vowel before con sonants (as they do within the simple word); 2 e.g. dhiir-sad being on the yoke, pur-yana leading to the fort.*
50. Compounds further often contain archaisms which though still existing in external Sandhi are obsolescent and disappear entirely in later periods of the language.
a. In six compounds scandra bright retains its old initial sibilant in the second member ; e. g. asva-scandra brilliant with horses, puru-scandra veri/ brilliant. As an independent word it is, excepting three occurrences in the RV., invariably candra.^
b. A final s of the first meml^er or an initial s of the second member is cerebralized ; e. g. dus-tara hard to cross, duh-saha hard to resist.^
1 But dvLT' the form required by the later external Sandhi is already commoner in the RV. ; e. g. dur-dfsika, dur-naman.
2 Nouns ending in radical r retain the r before the ending su of the loc. pi. ; gir-sii, dhiir-su, pur-sii.
3 External Sandhi gradually encroaches here in the later Samhitas j e. g. svah-pati in the SV.
* But glr retains its short vowel in gir-vanas fond of praise and gfr- vahas praised in song.
^ How nearly extinct scandr^ is as an independent word is indicated by the fact that in the analysis of its six compounds it always appears as candra in the Padapatha.
In post-Vedic Sanskrit only dustara, duhsaha.
G
38 EXTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI [50-51
c. A dental n in the second member is cerebralized after r, r, s in the first member :
a. almost invariably, whether initial, medial, or final in a root, when a vcrlial derivative is compounded with a preposition that contains r ; e. g. nir-nij f. bright garment, p^ri-hnuta denied, pran-d m. breedh ; and even in suffixes, as pra-yana n. advance (from ya go).
0. predominantly in other comi^ounds wlien the second member is a verbal noun; e.g. grama-ni chief of a village, dur-gani dangers, pitr- yana trodden by the fathers, rakso-han demon-slaying ; but puro-yavan beside pratar-yavan going out early. Cerebralization never takes place in -ghn the weak form of -han killing; nor in aksa-nah tied to the axle, kravya-vahana conveying corpses, carma-mna tanner, yusma-nita led by you.
y. less regularly when tlie second member is an ordinary (non- verbal) noun ; e. g. uru-nasa broad-nosed, prS-napat great-grandson ; but candra-nirnij having a brilliant garment, piinar-nava again renewed.
d. The final vowel of the first member is often lengthened, especially before v ; e. g. anna-vrdh prospering hi/ food. This is often due to an old rhythmical tendency (also appearing in the sentence) to lengthen a vowel before a single consonant between two short syllables ; e. g. ratha-sah able to draw the ear.
e. Final a or i of the first member is often shortened before a group of consonants or a long syllable ; e. g. lirna- mradas soft as wool (urna) ; prthivi-stha standing on the earth (prthivi) ; am.iva-catana driving away disease (amiva).
Doubling of Consonants. 51. The palatal ch etymologically represents a double sound and metrically lengthens a preceding short vowel. For the latter reason the RV. Pratisakhya prescribes the doubling of ch (in the form of cch) after a short vowel, and, as regards long vowels, after a only, when a vowel follows.' This rule is followed by Max Muller in his editions of the RV. ; e. g. uta echadih, a-cchad-vidhana, but me chantsat.
1 The Vedic MSS. almost invariably write the simple ch, and this practice is followed by Aufrecht in his edition of the Rigveda and L. v. Schrocder in his edition of the MS. It is also followed in the present work.
52-56] EXTEENAL CONSONANT SANDHI 39
52. Before vowels final n and n, if preceded ])y a short vowel, are doubled ; e. g, kidrnn indrah ; ahann indrah. Though the nasal is always written double, the metre shows that this rule is only partially applied as regards pronun- ciation in the RV.
a. Tlie compound vrsan-asvd loitJt stallions as steeds (n = n) is an exception.
Initial Aspiration.
53. After a final c, initial s regularly becomes eh ; e. g. yae chaknavama for yad saknavama.
a. The same change occasionally takes place after t ; thus vipat ehutudri (for sutudri) ; turasat chusmi (for susmi).
54. Initial h, after softening a preceding k, t, t, p, is changed to the soft aspirate of that mute ; e, g. sadhryag ghita for hita ; avad dhavyani for avat havyani ; sidad dhota for sidat hota.
55. If gh, dh, bh, or h are at the end of a (radical) S5'llable beginning with g, d, or b, and lose their aspiration as final or otherwise, the initial consonants are aspirated by way of compensation ; ^ e. g. from dagh reach the 3. s, injunctive is dhak (for dagh-t) ; -budh icahing becomes -bhut ; duh milking becomes dhiik.
B. Internal Sandhi.
56. The rules of internal Sandhi apply to the finals of roots and nominal and verbal stems before all endings of de- clension (except those beginning with consonants of the middle stem : 73 a) and conjugation, before primary suffixes (182, 1) and before secondary suffixes (182, 2) beginning with a vowel or y. Many of these rules agree with those of external Sandhi. The most important of those which differ fi-om external Sandhi are the following :
' This is not really compensation but the survival of the original initial aspiration of such roots, which was lost owing to the avoidance of an aspirate at the beginning and end of the same syllable. Hence when the final aspirate disappeared, the initial returned.
40 INTERNAL .SANDHI [57-61
Final Vowels.
57. In many cases before a vowel i is changed to iy ; u and u to uv ; e. g. dhi + e = dhiy-6 dat. s. for thought ; bhu + i = bhuv-i on earth ; yu-joiv-^ has joined (-/yu).
58. Final r before y becomes ri (154, 3) ; e. g. kr rnahc : kri-yate 3. s. pres. pass, is done. Final r before consonant terminations is changed to ir, after labials to iir ; e. g, gr siuallow : gir-yate is swallowed, gir-na swallowed ; pr Jill : pur-yate is filled, pur-na filled.
59. e, ai, o, au are changed before suffixes beginning with vowels or y to ay, ay, av, av respectively ; e. g. se + u = say-ii lying ; rai + e = ray-6 for wealth ; go + e = gav-e for a cow; nau + i = nav-i in a boat; go + ya = gav-ya relating to cows.
Final Consonants.
60. The most notable divergence from external Sandhi is the unchangeableness of the final consonants (cp. 32) of roots and verbal or nominal stems before suffixes and terminations beginning with vowels, semivowels and nasals (while before other letters they usually follow the rules of external Sandhi); e.g. vac-ya to he spoken, duras-yu worshipping, yasas-vat glorious ; vac-mi I speak (but vakti speaks) ; voc-am I will speak, paprc-yat would mix ; prane- ah nom. pi. forward.
a. Before the primaiy suffix na, d is assimilated ; e. g. an-na n. food (for ad-na), ehin-nd cut off (for chid-na) ; and before the secondary suffixes mant and niaya, t and d ; e.g. vidyun-mant accompanied by lightning (yidyut) and mrn-niaya consisting o/chiy (mfd). In the nominal case-form san-nam (for sat-nam) of six (sds) the final t is assimilated.
61. Nominal or verbal stems ending in consonants and followed by terminations consisting of a single consonant, drop the termination altogether, two consonants not being tolerated at the end of a word (28). The final consonant that remains is then treated according to the rules of external
G1-G3] INTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI 41
Sandhi. Thus pranc + s nom. s. forward becomes pran (the s being first dropped, the palatals being changed to gutturals by 27, and the k being then dropped by 28) ; similarly a-doh + 1 = a-dhok he milked (55).
62. Aspirates followed by any sounds except vowels, semivowels or nasals (60) lose their aspiration ; e. g. randh + dhi = rand-dhi ' 2. s. aor. impv. subject; labh + sya-te = lap-syate (B.) 3. s. fut, tvill take ; but yudh-i in battle ; a-rabh-ya seising.
a. A lost soft aspirate is, if possible, thrown back before dhv, bh, s (55) ; e. g. ind-dhvam 2. pi. impv. of indh Jcindle ; bhud-bhis inst. pi., bhut-sii loc. pi. But before s this rule applies only partially ; thus from dabh harm : des. dip-sa-ti desires to injure, dip-su intending to hurt ; bhas chciv : baps-a-ti chews ; guh hide : des, ju-guk-sa-tas beside aghuksat ; dah hum : part, daksat beside dhaksant ; duh milk : aor. a-duksat beside a-dhuksat.
h. But it is thrown forward on a following t and th/ which are softened ; e. g. rabh + ta = rab-dha seized ; runadh + ti = runad-dhi ; rundh + tam = rund-dham 3. s. impv. let him obstruct.
63. Palatals, a. While c regularly becomes guttural before consonants (cf. 61 ; 27 ; 7 b), j in some cases (the majority) becomes guttural (k, g),^ in others cerebral (t, d, s) ;
' For the Vedic language tolerates two aspirates neither at the beginning and the end of the same syllable, nor at the end of one and the beginning of the next. On the other hand, there is no loss of aspiration in the root if an aspirate (after a vowel) which belongs to a suffix or a second member of a compound follows ; e. g. vibhu-bhis with the Vibhus ; garbha-dhi m. breeding-place. (The two imperatives bo- dhi be for bho-dhi, and ja-hi strike for jha-hi, follow the general rule.)
'^ Except in the case of the root dha 2)Z«ce, the weak stem of which dadli (following the analogy of 62«) becomes dhat before t and th (cf. 134 B b).
* j always becomes k before a conjugational s (cp. 144, 4) ; e. g. mrk- sva 2. s. impv. of rarj wipe.
42 TNTEENAL CONSONANT SANDHI [63-65
e. g. uk-ta spoken (-/vac) ; yuk-ta joined ('/yiij) ; rug-na broken (\/ruj: cp. 65); but rat nom. s. king (for raj + s); mrd-dhi 2. s. impv. wipe (for mrj-dhi) ; ras-tra kingdom (for raj-tra: cp. 64).
b. The palatal s before bh (73 a) normally becomes d ; ^ k before s ; - always s before t and th (cp. 64) ; e. g. pad- bhis with looks (pas), vid-bhis ivith tribes (vis) ; vek-syasi fut. of vis enter ; vik-su loc. pi. (vis) ; dik nom. s. of dis direction ; nak nom. s. of nas night ; vis-ta entered (-/vis).
c. c and j (not s) palatalize a following n ; e. g. yaj + na = yaj-na sacrifice, but pras-na question.
d. The ch of the root prach ask is treated like s : a-prak-sit 3. s. sis- aor., a-prat 3. s. s- aor. (= a-prach-s-t) ; prs-ta asked, pras-tum inf. to ask.
64. Cerebrals change following dentals to cerebrals (39); e. g. is + ta := is-ta ; av-is + dhi = avid-dhi 2. s. impv. is- aor. of av ; san + nam (for sat-nam) = san-nam (cp. 33, 60 a).
a. While the cerebral sibilant s seems always' to be- come a cerebral mute (t or d) in declension and becomes d in conjugation, it regularly becomes k before s in conju- gation (cp. 63 b and 67) ; e. g, dvis + s = dvit nom. s. hating, vi-prxis + s = vi-priit droj), vi-prud-bhis inst. pi. ; av-is + dhi = avid-dhi 2. s.impv. is- aor. of av favour ; dvis + sa-t = dvik-sat 3. s. inj. sa- aor. of dvis hate.
65. Change of dental n to cerebral n.
A preceding cerebral r, f, r, s (even though vowels, gut- tural or labial mutes or nasals, y, v, or h intervene) changes a dental n (followed by a vowel or n, m, y, v) to cerebral n ; e. g. nr + nam = nrnam of men ; pit? + nam = pitrnam of fathers ; var + na = varna m. colour-, us + na = usna hot ;
^ g in cases of dis and dfs : dig-bhyas, drg-bhis.
^ But in the nom. vit (vis), vi-pat (vi-pas) and spfit spy (spds) the cerebral lias taken the place of the phonetic k owing to the influence of other forms in which the cerebral is phonetic.
s No example occurs of this sound before the su of the loc. plur.
65]
CEREBEALTZATION OF DENTAL N
43
kramana n, step (vowels and labial nasal intervene), ark6na (guttural and vowel) ; grbhnati seizes (labial mute) ; brah- manya devotion (vowel, h, labial nasal, vowel ; n followed by y).^
This rule is followed throughout within a word even when a s which it contains is jDroduced by Sandhi; e.g. usuvanah. (for u suvanah).
a. The ccrebi-alization of n takes place almost as regularly in verbs compounded with the prepositions pra lie/ore, para moan, pari round, nir (for nis) out, as well as in nominal derivatives of these combina- tions ; e.g. para-nude {hxlA thrust) , -pva-netv guide {■m lead); pari-hnuta denied ; praniti breathes (a/ an) ; nir hanyat (ban strike), but not in forms with ghn (e. g. abhi-pra-ghnanti) ; pra hinonii, but pari-hiu6mi (hi impel).
b. In nominal compounds n is usually cerebralized when it is the initial of the second member in the RV. ; e.g. dur-naman ill-named, pra-napat great-grandson ; but tri-nak^ n. third heaven. It is less fre- quent medially ; e. g. piirvahna/o?*enoow, vfsa-manas manly-spirited, but fsi-manas of far-seeing mind ; nr-pana giving drink to men, but pari-pana n. drink (ep. 50 c iS).
t. Cerebralization is even extended to external Sandhi in a closely connected fullowing word, most often initially in the enclitic nas us, I'arely in other monosyllables such as mi now, na like, occasionally in other Avords also ; ^ e. g. saho sii nah ; pdri neta . . . visat. It some- times occurs mediallj', oftenest in the enclitic pronoun ena this ; e. g. indra enam. It occasionally apj^ears in accented words also after final r ; e. g. gor ohena.
Table showing when n changes to n.
r r r
s
in spite of intervening vowels, gutturals (including h), labials (including v), and y
change n to n
if followed by vowels, n, m, y, V.
^ There ai'e two exceptions to this rule in the RV., the gen. plur. ustranam and rastranam.
^ After the final cerebral t of sdt (for sds six), assimilated to the following n (33), initial dental n is cerebralized in san-navati ninety-six (TS.) and in san niramimita (B.).
44 INTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI [6o
66 A. The dental n
1. remains unchanged before y and v ; e. g. han-yate is slain ; tan-v-ana stretching/, indhan-van possessed of fuel (indhana), asan-vant having a mouth.
2. as final of a root becomes Anusvara before s ; e.g. ji- gham-sa-ti wishes to hill (V^han) ; also when it is inserted before final s or s in the neuter plural (71c; 83); e.g. 6nams-i n. pi. of 6nas sin : havims-i n. pi. of havis ohlation (83).
B. The dental s
1. becomes dental t as the final of roots or nominal stems
a. before the s of verbal suffixes (future, aorist, desiderative) in the three verbs vas divell, vas shine, and ghas eat : thus a- vat-sis thou, hast dwelt ; vat-syati ivill shine ; ji-ghat-sati wishes to cat (171, 5) and jighat-su hungri/.^
h. before case-endings with initial bh in the reduplicated perf. participle and in four other words : thus jagrvad-bhis inst. pi. having aivdkened ; usad-bhis from usas f. dawn ; mad-bhis, mad-bhyas from mas m..month; svatavad-bhyas from sva-tavas self-strong. This change was extended without phonetic justification " to the nom. ace. s. n. in the RV., as tatau-vat extending far.
2. disappears
a. between mutes ; e. g. a-bhak-ta 3. s. s- aor., for a-bhak-s-ta beside a-bhak-s-i, of bhaj share ; cas-te for caks-te (= original eas-s-te) 3. s. pres. of caks speak; a-gdha uneaten for a-ghs-ta from ghas eat.
A similar loss occurs in verbal compounds formed with
1 The change of s to t before the t of the 3. s. of a past tense, as in vy-avat has shone forth from vi-vas, is probably not a phonetic change, but is rather due to the influence of the 3. s. of other pi-eterites with t ; *^-vas-t having thus become a-vat instead of *dvas,
2 There having been no case-ending s here. No example occurs in the RV. and AV. of a loc. pi. in vat-su.
66-67] CEREBRALTZATION OF S 45
the i^reposition ud and the roots stha stand and stambh support ; e. g. ut-thita and ilt-tabhita raised up.
h. before dh ; e. g. sa-dhi for sas-dhi 2. s, impv. of sas order; a-dhvam 2 pi. mid. impv. of as sit; also after becoming s and cerebralizing the following dental ; e. g. a-sto-dhvam (for a-sto-s-dh.vam) 2. pi. aor. of stu praise.
67. Change of dental s to cerebral s.
A preceding vowel except a (even though Anusvara^ intervenes) as well as k, r, s change dental s (followed by a vowel, s, t, th, n, m, y, v) to cerebral s ;^ e. g. from havis oblation: havis-a inst. s., havims-i nom. pi. ; eaksus n. eye: caksus-a inst. s., caksiiins-i nom. pi.; havis-su loc. pi. ; sraj f. wreath : srak-sii loc. pi. ; gir f. so)ig : gir-su loc. pi. ; ti-sthati stands from stha stand ; caksus-mant possessing eyes ; bhavi-syati xvill be from bhli he ; su-svapa has slept from svap sleej). But sarpih (final) ; manaa-a (a precedes) ; us-ra ^ matutinal.
a. The cerebralizatiou of s regularly takes place in the RV. initially in verbal compounds after prepositions ending in 1 and u, as well as in nominal derivatives from such compound verbs ; also after the preposi- tion nis out; e. g. ni sida sil down, dnu stuvanti tliey ■praise ; nih-sd.ha- manah conquering.*
b. In nominal compounds, s is more usually cerebralized than not, when the initial s of the second member is preceded by vowels other than a ; e. g. su-s6ma having abundant Soma. But s is often retained in the RV., not only when r or r follows, as in hrdi-spfs touching the heart, rsi-svara sung by seers, but also when there is no such cause to prevent
1 The s, however, remains in forms of hims injure, nims kiss, and pums man, probably under the iufluence of the strong forms hiuasti, pumamsam, &c.
2 Words in which s otherwise follows r or any vowel but a must be of foreign origin, as bfsaya a demon, bisa n. root fibre, bus^ n. vapour.
3 s remains when immediately followed by r or r, o. g. tisrSs, tisf- bhis, tisfnam f. of tri three; usras gen., usri and usram loc, beside usar voc. dawn.
* The s remains unchanged when followed by r (even when t in- tervenes) or r (even though a intervenes, with additional m or v in smav remember aTid svar sound\.
46
INTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI
[67-69
the change ;■ e. g. go-sakhi beside go-sakhi possessbuj cattle. After r the s becomes s in svar-sa light winning, svar-satl f. oUainment of light.
c. Cerebralization is even extended to external Sandhi in initial s after a final i and u in the RV. when the two words are syntactically closely connected. This change chiefly takes place in monosyllabic pronouns and particles, such as sa, sya, sim, sma, svid, and particu- lai-ly su ; e. g. u su. It also occurs in numerous verbal forms and participles ; e.g. yuyam M stha /or ye are, divi siin being in heaven. In other words the change is rare ; e. g. tri .sadhdstha.^ In the later Samhitas this form of external Sandhi is very rare except in the combination u sii.
Table showing when s changes to s.
Vowels except a (in spite of inter- vening Anusvara), k, r, s
change
s
to
s
if followed by vowels, t, th, n, m, y, V.
68. The labial m remains unchanged before y, r, 1 (cp, 60 and 42 B 1) ; e, g. yam-yamana being guided, vam-ra m. ant, apa-mlukta concealed. But before suffixes beginning with V it becomes n; e.g. jagan-van having gone (from gam go).
69. a. The breathing h becomes k in all roots before s ; e. g. dhak-si 2. s. pros, from dah hum ; sak-si 2. s. pres. from saJa prevail. .
h. In roots beginning with d it is treated like gh before t, th, dh ; e. g. dah + ta = dag-dha burnt (62 b), dnh + tam = dug-dham 3. du. pres. Similarly treated is the oldest form of the perf. pass, participle of the root muh : miig-dha beivildered.
c. h in all other roots is treated like an aspirate cerebral, which after changing a following t, th, dh to dh and
1 In tlie EV. occurs the Sandhi y^juh skanndm (for skanndm) with- out cerebralization of the nn (cp. 65).
69-70] DECLENSION 47
lengthening a preceding short vowel, is dropped ; e. g. sah + ta = sa-dha ' overcome ; rih + ta = ri-dha liclced ; muh + ta = mu-dha (AV.) hetvildered ; vah + ta = u-dha ;" vah + dhvam = vo-dhvam (VS.).^
d. An exception to c is the root nah hind, in which h is treated as dh : nad-dha hound. An exception to both h and c is the root drh : dr-dha firm (begins with d and has a short vowel). ^
CHAPTER III DECLENSION
70. Declension, or the inflexion of nominal stems by means of endings that express the various syntactical rela- tions represented by the cases, is most conveniently treated, owing to characteristic difference of form, meaning, and use, under (1) nouns (including adjectives) ; (2) numerals; (3) pro- nouns.
In Vedic there are
a. three genders : masculine, feminine, and neuter ;
h. three numbers : singular, dual, and plural ;
c. eight cases : nominative, vocative, accusative, instru- mental, dative, ablative, genitive, locative.^
1 In all these past participles the dh is in the RV. written as Ih.
^ With Samprasarana.
^ Through vazh-dhvam : azh here becoming o just as original as (through az) becomes o (cp. 45 b).
* Before this dh the vowel r never appears lengthened, but it is prosodically long (cp. 8, note 2).
^ This is the order of the eases in the Hindu Sanskrit grammarians, excepting the vocative, which is not regarded by them as a case. It is convenient as the only arrangement by which such cases as are identical in form, either in the singular, the dual, or the plural, may be grouped together.
48 DECLENSION [71-72
71. The normal case-endings added to the stem are the following : —
Singular. Dual. Plural.
m. f. n. m. f. n. m. p. n.
N. S — 1' ) )
V. — ^ — I au i I as ic
A. am — j j
I. a ) .
D. e bhyam I b^Lis
Ab.l __ I ' bhyas
am
L* i
OS
su
a. The vocative is the same (apart from the accent) as the nominative in all numbers except the masc. and fern, sing, of vowel stems generally and the masc. sing, of con- sonant stems in -an, -man, -van ; -mant, -vant ; -in ; -as ; -yams, -vams ; -tar.
h. The noni. ace. sing, has the bare stem excepting the words in -a, which add m.
c. The nom. voc. ace. plur. neut. before the ending i insert n after a vowel stem and before a single final mute or sibilant of a consonant stem (modifying the n according to the character of the consonant : op. 66 A 2).
72. An important distinction in declension is that between the strong and the weak stem. It is fully developed only in derivative consonant stems formed with the suffixes -anc, -an, -man, -van ; -ant, -mant, -vant ; -tar ; -yams, -vams. In the first four and in the last the weak stem is further reduced before vowel endings. The stem here has three forms, which may be distinguished as strong, middle, and weakest.
a. Shift of accent was the cause of the distinction. The stem, having been accented in the strong cases, here naturally preserved its full form ; but it was shortened in the weak cases by the accent falling on the endings. For a similar reason the last vowel of the strong stem, if long, is regularly
of masc. nouns. ^
72-74] DECLENSION 49
shortened in the vocative, because the accent always shifts to the first syllable in that case.
73. The strong stem appears in the following cases :
Nom. voc. ace. sing.
Nom. voc. ace. dual
Nom. voc. (not ace.) plur.
Nom voc. ace. plural only of neuters.
a. When the stem has three forms, the middle stem appears before terminations beginning with a consonant^ (bhyam, bhis, bhyas, su) ; the weakest before terminations beginning with a vowel in the remaining weak cases ; e. g. pratyanc-au nom. du. ; pratyag-bhis inst. pi. ; pratic-6s gen. du. (93).
h. In neuters with three stems, the nom. voc. ace. sing, are middle, the nom. voc. ace. du. weakest ; e. g. pratyak sing. ; pratic-i du. ; pratyanc-i pi. (93). The other cases are as in the masc.
NOUNS.
74. Nominal stems are, owing to divergences of inflexion, best classified under the main divisions of consonant and vowel declension.
I. Stems ending in consonants ^ may be subdivided into
A. unchangeable ; B. changeable.
II. Stems ending in vowels into those in A. a and a ; B. i
and u; C. i and u.
' Excepting names of relationship in -tar (101), nearly all nouns with changeable stems form their feminine with the suffix -i (100).
2 Changeable stems are named in this grammar in their strong and original form, though the middle form would be more practical, inas- much as that is the form in which changeable stems ajjpear as prior member in compounds.
^ Some Sanskrit grammars begin with the vowel declension in a (11. A) since this contains the majority of all the declined stems in the language. But it appears preferable to begin with the consonant decleiTsion which adds the normal endings (71) without modification.
181Q E
50
DECLENSION
[75-77
I, A. Unchangeable Stems.
75. These stems are for the most part primary or radical, but also include some secondary or derivative words. They end in consonants of all classes except gutturals (these having always become palatals, which however revert to the original sound in certain cases). They are liable to such changes only as are i-equired by the rules of Sandhi before the consonant terminations (cp. 16 a). Masculines and feminines ending in the same consonant are inflected exactly alike ; and the neuters differ only in the ace. s. and nom. voc. ace. du. and pi.
76. The final consonants of the stem retain their original sound before vowel terminations (71) ; but when there is no ending (i.e. in the nom. sing., in which the s of the m. and f. is dropped), and before the ending su of the loc. pi., they must be reduced to one of the letters k, t, t, p or Visarjanlya (27) which respectively become g, d, d, b or r before the terminations beginning with bh.
a. The voc. sing. m. f. is the same as the nom. except in stems in (derivative) as (83).
h. Forms of the nom. voc. ace. pi. n. seem not to occur in the Samhitas ' except in the dez'ivative as, is, us stems where they are common ; e.g. apamsi, arcimsi, caksumsi.
Stems in Dentals.
77. Paradigm tri-vrt m. f. n. threefold.
Sing. Dual. Plur.
N. m. f. trivrt n. trivrt N.A.) ftrivrt-a, N. m. f. trivrt-ai^
A. m. f. trivrt-am n. trivrt m.f. ) (trivrt-au A. m. f. triv^t-as I. trivrt-a I. ] '
G. [trivrt-os] G. trivrt-a
L. trivrt-os L. trivrt-s
m. f. V. trivrt-a
^ But in the Bi-ahmanas are found from -bhrt bearing, -vrt turning, -hu-t sacrificing the N. pi. n. forms -bhrnti, -vrnti, -hunti.
D.
Ab. G. L.
trivrt-e
trivrt-as
trivft-i
77] STEMS IN DENTALS 51
1. Of the stems in t most are radica], nearl)' thirty of them being formed with a determinative t added to roots ending in the short vowels i, u, r; e.g. ji-t conquering, srii-t hearing, ki'-t mahing. Nearly all of them, however, appear as the last member of compounds, except cit f. thought ; dyu-t f. brilliance ; nrt f. dancing ; vr-t f. 7^05^. From sarva- hu-t offering cornpletehj occurs in N. pi. n. the form sarva- hunti in the AB. There are also a few derivative stems formed with the suffixes -vat, -tat, -it, -ut, and secondary -t; e.g. pra-vat f. height, deva-tat f. divine service-, sar-it f. stream ; mar-vit m. storm-god ; yakr-t n. liver, sakr-t n. excrement.
2. There are only three stems in th : kaprth, n. penis, path m. path, abhi-snath adj. piercing.
3. a. About 100 stems end in radical d, all but a few being roots used as the final member of compounds ; e. g. nom. adri-bhid mountain-cleaving. Only eight occur as monosyllabic substantives : nid f. contempt, bhid f. destroyer, vid f. knowledge, ud f. u-ave, mud f. jog, mrd f. dag, hrd n. heart (used in weak eases only) ; and pad m. foot. The latter lengthens its vowel in the strong cases :
Sing. N. pat. A. pad-am. I. pad-a. D. pad-6. Ab.G.
pad-as. L. pad-i. Du. N.A. pad-a. I. Ab. pad-bhyam. G.L. pad-6s. PL N, pad-as. A. pad-as. I. pad-bhis. D. pad-bhyas.
G. pad-am. L. pat-su.
h. There are also six stems formed with derivative d (suffixal -ad -ud), seemingly all feminine: drs-adand dhrs-ad nether millstone, bhas-ad hind quarters, van-ad longing, sar-ad autumn, kak-iid summit, kak-ud palate.
4. There are about fifty radical stems in dh, simple or compound. They are almost restricted to m. and f., no distinctively n. forms (N. A. du. pi.) occurring and only four forms being used as n. in the G. L. s. Seven stems appear
e2
52 DECLENSION [77-78
as monosyllabic nouns : vrdh strengthening as a masc. adj ., the rest as fern, substantives : nadh bond ; sridh foe ; ksiidh Jmnger ; yiidh fight ; mrdh conflict ; vrdh prosperity ; sprdh hattle.
5. Eadical stems in n are formed from half a dozen roots. Four of these are monosyllabic substantives : tan f. succession ; ran m. jog ; van m. wood ; svan adj. sounding.^ There are also the compound adjectives tuvi-svan roaring cdoud and go-san ivinning coivs. Han staging occurs as the final member of at least thirty-five compounds, but as it follows for the most part the analogy of the an stems, it will be treated under these (92).
Stems in Labials.
78. These stems, which end in p, bh, and m only, are not numerous. No neuters occur in the first two and only one or two in the last.
1. All the monosyllabic stems in p are fem. substantives. They are: ap ivater, krp heautg, ksap night, ksip finger, rip deceit, riip earth, vip rod. There are also about a dozen compounds, all adjectives except vi-stap f. summit. Three of the adjectives occur as f., the rest as m. ; e. g. pasu-trp m. delighting in cattle.
a. ap lengthens the stem in the N.V. pi. ap-as, a form sometimes used for the A. also. The forms occurring are : Sing. I. ap-a. Ab.G. ap-as. Du.N. ap-a. Pl.N.V. ap-as. A. ap-as. I. ad-bhis. D.Ab. ad-bhyas. G. ap-am, L. ap-sii.
2. The six uncompounded stems in bh are all f. substan- tives : ksubh push, grbh seising, nabh destroyer, subh splendour, stubh ^;ra/se (also adj. praising), and kakilbh^eaA;. There ai'e also more than a dozen compounds : the substan- tives are all f., the rest being m. or f. adjectives ; there are
^ The accent of these stems is irregular in remaining on the radical syllable (App. III. 11, 1), except tana (beside tana) and vanam.
78-79] STEMS IN PALATALS 53
no neuters. The cases of tri-stubh f. triple praise (a metre) are : Sing. N. tristup. A. tristiibh-am. I. tristiibh-a. D. tristiibh-e. Ab. ti'istiibh-as. L. tristubh-i ; PI. A.
• ■ • • • • 7
tristubh-as.
a. nabh lengthens its vowel in the N. pi. nabh-as. A. nabh-as.
3. There are five or six monosyllabic stems in m, and one compound : sam n. happiness, dam n. (?) house, ksam, gam, jam f. earth, him m. (?) cold ; sam-nam f. favour.
a. Gam and jam syncopate in the s. LAb.G. : gm-a, jm-a ; gm-as, jm-as ; ksam syncopates in the Ab. G. s. and lengthens its vowel in N. du.pl. : ksm-as; ksam-a; ksam-as. Dam has the G. s. dan (for dam-s) in the expressions patir dan and pati dan = dam-patis and dam-pati lord of the house and lord and lady of the house.
Stems in Palatals.
79. The palatals (c, j, s) undergo a change of organ when final and before consonant terminations (cp. 63). c always becomes guttural (k or g), j and s nearly always become guttural, but sometimes cerebral (t or d).
1. The unchangeable stems in c ' when uncompounded are monosyllabic and almost exclusively f. substantives. Tvac s¥m, however, twice occurs as a m., and krunc curlew is m. Compounds, as adjectives, are often m., but only one form occurs as a n., in the adv. a-prk in a mixed manner. Vac speech would be declined as follows :
Sing. N.V. vak. A. vac-am (Lat. voc-em). I. vac-a.
D. vac-6. Ab.G. vac-as. L. vac-i. Dual. N.A.V. vac-a, vac-au. I. vag-bhyam. Plur. N. V. vac-as. A. vac-as (rarely vac-as). I. vag-bhis.
D.Ab. vag-bhyas. G. vac-am.
^ Stems in derivative anc are changeable (93).
54 DECLENSION [79
Similarly declined are : — tvac slcin^ ; sic hem ; rue lustre, sue flame, srue ladle ; re stanza, mrc injur); ; ni-mriic sunset and other compounds. Krunc forms its N. s. krun, du. kruucau.
2. There is only one stem in eh, formed from the root prch asJc : N. du. m. bandhu-preh-a ashing after kinsmen ; also the D. and A. infinitive foi'ms prch-e to asl; sam-preh-e to greet ; vi-preh-am and sam-prch-am to ask.
3. a. Uncompounded radical stems in j are mostly f. substantives ; but aj driver, vij stake at play are m., and yiii,'^ raj, bhraj are m. as well as f. Neut. forms occur in compound adjectives, but never the distinctively n. endings of the N.A.V. du. and pi.''
When the j is derived from a guttural, it becomes a guttural in the N. s. and before consonant endings ; when derived from an old palatal, it becomes a cerebral in the N. s.^ and before consonants, but k before the su of the L. pi.
Thus in the N. urk (urj) vigour ; nir-nik (nir-nij) bright garment ; but bhrat m. shining (bhraj), rat m, king, f. mistress ; L. pi. srak-su garlands (sraj), pra-yak-su offerings (pra-yaj).
a. Tlie N. of ava-yaj f. share of the sacrificial oblation and of avayaj m. priest who offers the oblation is anomalous in dropping the j and adding the s of the nom. : ava-yas, avayas (cp. 28 a .
h. There are seven m. and f. adj. or subst. formed with the suffixes -aj and -ij : a-svapn-aj sleepless, trsn-aj thirstij,
^ From vyac extend occurs the strong form uru-vyancam/ar extend- iwj, and from sac accompany only the strong forms A. -sac-am, and N. pi. -sae-as.
2 This word meaning companion also has a nasalized form in N.A. s. du. : yiin (for yunk), yuiaj-am, yiinj-a.
2 But in a Brahmana -bhaj sharing forms the N. pi. n. form -bhanji.
* Except in rtv-ik from rtu-ij m. sacrificing in due season, priest (from yaj sacrifice).
79] STEMS TN PALATALS AND S 55
dhrs-aj hold, san-aj old ; us-ij desiring, bhur-ij f. ann, van-ij m. trader. There is also the n. asrj ' blood.
usij m.f. would be declined as follows :
Sing. N. usik. A. usij-am. I. usij-a. D. usij-e.
G. usij -as. Du.N. usij-a. G.L. usij-os. PI.N. usij-as. A. usij-as. I. usig-bhis. D. usig-bhyas.
G. usij-am.
4. There are about sixty monosyllabic and compound stems in s formed from about a dozen roots. Nine mono- syllabic stems are f. : das worship, dis direction, drs look, nas nigJit, pas sight, pis ornament, pras dispute, vis settlement, vris finger. Two are m. : is lord and spas spg. All the rest are compounds (about twenty of them formed from -drs). Some half-dozen cases of the latter are used as neuter, but no distinctively n. forms (N.A. du. pi.) occur.
The s, as it represents an old palatal, normally becomes cerebral d before bh, but in dis and drs a guttural. Before the su of the L. pi. it phonetically and regularly becomes k. It usually also becomes k in the N. s. (which originally ended in s), as dik, nak ; but cerebral t in spas and vi-spas spij, vis and vi-pas a river.
The normal forms, if made from vis settlement, would be : N.V. vit. A. vis-am. I. vis-a. D. vis-6. Ab.G. vis-as.
L. vis-i. Du. N.A. vis-a, vis-au.
PI. N.A. vis-as. I vid-bhis. D. vid-bhyas. G. vis-am. L. vik-su.
a. The N. of some compounds of dra is nasalized, as ki-dfn (for ki-dfnk) of what kind?, but ta-dfk suck.
The N. s irregularly represents the final palatal (28 a) in purodas m. sacrificial cake : N. purodas, A. purodasam.
1 This word is of obscure origin, but the j probably represents a reduced suffix.
56 DECLENSION [80-81
Stems in Cerebrals.
80. The only cerebral stems that occur end in d and s. Of the former there are only two : id f. praise (only found in s. I. id-a) and id f. refreshment (only in s. I. id-a and G. id-as).
There are a number of stems from about a dozen roots ending in s preceded by i, u, r, or k. Seven of these are uncompounded : is f. refreshment, tvis f. excitement, dvis f. hatred, ris f. injury ; us f. dawn ; prks f. satiation ; dadhrs hold. The rest are compounds of the above or of mis ivinh, sris lean, uks sprinJcle, mus steal, prus drip, dhrs dare, vrs rain ; aks em. The s becomes t in the N., and d before bh, but is of course dropped when k precedes ; e. g. N. dvit, vi-priit f. drop, an-ak eyeless, Uind ; I. pi. vi-prud-bhis.
o. The final becomes k in the adverbial neuter form dadhrk boldly.
Stems in h.
81. There are some eighty stems formed from about a dozen roots. All three genders are found in their inflexion, but the neuter is rare, occurring in two stems only, and never in the plural. Of monosyllabic stems nih destroyer, mih mist, giih hiding-place, riih sprout are f.,. druh fiend is m. or f., sah conqueror is m., mah (jreat, m. and n. All the rest are compounds, more than fifty being formed from the three roots druh hate, vah carry, sah overcome ; over thirty of them from the last.' The two stems usnih f. a metre, and sarah hec are obscure in origin.
a. As h represents both the old guttural gh and the old palatal jh it should phonetically become g or d before bh, but the cerebral represents both in the only two forms that occur with a bh ending. In the only L. pi. that occurs,
^ upa-ndh f. shoe occurs only in the L. s. upa-nah-i. Judging by the inflexion of the word in classical Sanskrit the h would become a dental in the N. s. and before consonant endings.
81-82] STEMS IN H AND R 57
anadiit-su (from anad-vah), the h imphonetically became t, which has been dissimilated to t. In the N. the phonetic k aj^peai's in the six forms -dhak, -dhuk, -dhruk, -I'uk, -sprk, usnik, and the unphonetic t in the three forms -vat,
Sat)* S^P^La
• • 7 a
h. Stems formed from vah ^ and sah lengthen the radical vowel in the strong cases, the former always, the latter generally.
The forms actually occurring if made from sah victorious would be :
Sing. N.V. m. f. sat.- A. m. f. sah-am. I. sah-a. D. sah-6.
Ab.G. sah-as. L. sah-i. Du. N.A.V. m. f. sah-a and sah-au. N.A. n. sah-i. PI. N.A.V. m. f. sah-as. A. m. sah-as and sah-as ;
f. sah-as. D. sad-bhyas. G. m. sah-am. L. m.
sat-sii.
Stems in r.'^
82. There are over fifty stems in radical r.^ The preceding vowel is nearly always i or u, only two stems containing a and three a. Twelve stems are monosyllabic (seven f.,^ three m.," two n.^), the rest being compounds. The r remains before the su of the L. pi., and the radical vowel
^ anad-vdh being a changeable stem with three forms is ti-eated under the irregular changeable stems (96).
^ When h becomes t the initial s is cerebralized.
3 There are no stems in 1 ; while the five which may be regarded as ending in the semivowels y or v are treated below (102) as ai, o, or au stems.
* The stems in which the r is derivative (and preceded by a), in the suffixes -ar and -tar, are treated below (101) as r stems.
^ gir praise, dvar door, dhiir burden, piir stronghold, t^r star, psiir victuals, st^r star.
^ gir praising, var protector, miir destroyer.
^ var loater, svar light.
58 DECLENSION [82-83
is lengthened in the N. s. and before consonant endings. The forms occurring, if made from pur, would be :
Sing. N. pur. A. pur-am. D. pur-6. Ab.G. pur-as.
L. pur-i. Du. N.A. pur-a, pur-au. PI. N.V. pur-as. A. pur-as. I. pur-bhis. D. pur-bhyas.
G. pur-am. L. pur-su.
a. dvar has the weakened A. pi. form duras (also once duras and once dvaras), the only weak case occuri-ing.
b. tdr occurs in one (strong) form only, N. pi. tar-as, and star in one (weak) form only, I. pi. stfbhis.^
c. svar n. light has the two contracted forms D. sur-6, 6. sur-as.'^ It drops the case-ending in the L. s.^ siiar.
Stems in s.
83. 1. The radical s stems number about forty. A dozen are monosyllabic, five being m. : jnas relative, mas month, vas^ abode, pums niale,^ sas ruler ; two f. : kas cough, nas nose ; five n. : as face, bhas light, mas flesh, dos arm, yos tvelfare. The rest are compounds, e.g. su-das giving tvell, liberal.
a. Before bh the s becomes d in the two forms I. mad-bhis and D. mad-bhyas, and r in the only other one that occurs : dor-bhyam.
h. The A. pi. has the accentuation of weak cases in mas-as and jnas-as.
2. The derivative stems in s are formed with the suffixes -as, -is, -us, and are, with few exceptions, neuter substan- tives. All of them lengthen their final vowel in the N.V. A. pi. n., e.g. manamsi, jy6timsi, caksumsi. The m. and f. are mostly compounds with these stems as their final member.
a. The as stems consist almost entirely of neuters, which
^ With irregular accent. - With the accent of a disyllabic.
3 Like the an stems (90, 2). * This word might be a feminine.
^ This woixl will be treated later (96, 3) as an irregular changeable stem.
83] STEMS IN AS 59
are accented on the root, as man-as mind, but these as final members of adjective compounds may be inflected in all three genders. There are also a few primary masculines, which ai-e accented on the suffix, being either substantives, as raks-as m. demon, or adjectives (some of which occur also in the f. as well as n.), as ap-as active ; and one primary f., us-as dmvn.
The N. s. m. f. lengthens the vowel of the suffix : e. g. angiras m., usas' f., su-manas m. f. In about a dozen compounds the long vowel appears (owing to the influence of the m.) in the n. also ; e. g. urna-mradas soft as ivool.
Before endings with initial bh the suffix as becomes o (45 h). The forms actually occurring, if made from ap-as, n. (Lat. opus) worJc and ap-as m. f, aetive would be as follows :
Sing. N. apas ; apas. A. apas ; apas-am. I. apas-a ;
apas-a. D. apas-e ; apas-e. Ab. apas-as ; apas-as.
L. apas-i ; apas-i. V. apas. Du. N.A.V. apas-i ; apas-a, apas-au.- D. apo-bhyam.
G. apas- OS. PI. apams-i; apas-as. I. apo-bhis; apo-bhis. D. apo-
bhyas ; apo-bhyas. G. apas-am ; apas-am. L.
apas-su; apas-su.
Similarly N. n. yasas glory, m. f. yasas glorious ; f. apsaras nymph.
a. A number of forms have the appearance of being contractions in the A. s. and N.A. pi. m. f. : am = asam and as = asas ; thus maham great, vedham ordaincr, usam dawn, jaram old age, medham wisdom, vayam vigour, an-agam sinless, apsaram. PI. N. ni. angiras, an-agas, na-vedas cognisant, sa-j6sas united; f. medhas, a-josas insati- able, na-vedas, su-radhas bountiful. A. m. au-agas, su-medhas (?) intelligent; f. usas.
1 The vowel of tliis word is optionally lengthened in the A. s., N. A. du., N. V. pi. : usas-am beside usas-ara, &c.
^ The ending au is here very rare and occurs chiefly in the later Samhitas.
60 DECLENSION ' [83
h. The is stems, numbering about a dozen, consist primarily of neuters only. When they form final members of compounds, they are secondarily inflected as m. ; only one single such form, N. s. sva-soeis self-radiant, occurs as a f.
The final s becomes s before vowel-endings and the L. pi. su, and r before bli. The inflexion of the n. differs from that of the m. in the A. s., N.A. du. and pi. The actual forms occurring, if made from socis glow in the n. and from -socis m. (when it differs from the n.), would be :
Sing. N. socis ; A. socis ; m. -socis-am. I. socis-a.
D. socis-e. Ab.G. socis-as. L. socis-i. V. socis. PI. N.A. socims-i, m. -socis-as. I. socir-bhis. D. socir-
bhyas. G. socis-am. L. socis-su (67).
a. asis f. praxjer, which is not really an is stem, being derived from a + sis (the reduced form of the root sas\ is inflected thus: N. asis. A. asis-am. I. asis-a. PI. N. A. asis-as.
c. The US stems, numbering at least sixteen exclusive of comjiounds, comprise several primary masculines as well as neuters ; three of the latter when compounded are also inflected as f. Eleven of the us stems are n. substantives, all but one ( janiis hirth) accented on the radical syllable ; four of these (arus, caksus, tapus, vapus) are also used as m. adjectives. Three of the exclusively m. us stems are adjectives accented on the suffix, while two (nahus, manus) are substantives accented on the root.
The final s becomes s before vowel endings, and r before bh. The inflexion of the n. is the same as that of the m. except in the A. s. and N.A. du. pi. The only f. forms (about half a dozen) occur in the N. and A. : e. g. N. caksus seeing, A. du. tapus-a hot.
The actual forms occurring, if made from caksus eye as n. and seeing as m. would be :
83-85] CHANGEABLE STEMS 61
Sing. N. caksus. A. caksus ; m. caksus-am. I. caksus-a.
D. caksus-e. Ab.G. caksus-as. L. caksus-i. Du. N. A. caksus-i ; m. caksus-a. D. caksur-bhyana. PI. N.A. caksums-i ; m. caksus-as. I. caksur-bhis.
D. caksur-bhyas. G. caksus-am.
I. B. Changeable Stems.
84. Kegular changeable stems are found only among derivative nouns formed with suffixes ending in the dentals t, n, s, or the palatal c. Those in t are formed with the suffixes -ant, -mant, -vant ; those in n with -an, -man, -van, and -in, -min, -vin ; those in s with -yams and -vams ; those in c with -anc (properly a root meaning to hencl). The stems in -ant (85-86), -in (87), -yams (88) have two forms, strong and weak ; those in -an (90-92), -vams (89), and -anc (93) have three, strong, middle, and weakest (73).
Nouns with Two Stems.
85. Stems in -ant comprise present,^ future, and aorist participles (156) active (m. and n.).- The strong stem is in -ant, the weak in -at'*; e.g. ad-ant and ad-at ea^m^ from ad eat. These participles are inflected in the m. and n. only, the f. having a special stem in i.- The n. inflexion differs from the m. in the N.V.A. s. du. pi. only. The accent, if resting on the suffix, shifts in weak cases to the endings that begin with vowels.
' Excepting those of the reduplicating verbs and a few others that follow their analogy (85 h).
- On the formation of the f. stems see 95.
' In Latin and Greek the distinction was lost by normalization :
G. edentis, idovTo^.
62
SINGULAR.
DECLENSION
Masculine.
DUAL.
[85
PLURAL.
t
N. adan^(GU. t^coj') adant-a -au adant-as (Gk. e^orre?)
V. adan adant-a -au adantas
A. adant-am (Lat. edentem) adant-a -au
adat-as
I. adat-a D. adat-6 Ab.G. adat-as L. adat-i
N.A. adat
I. adad-bhis D. adad-bhyam D.Ab. adad-bhyas G. adat-6s G. adat-am
L. adat-su
Neuter. adat-i
adant-i
Other examples are : arc-ant singing, sid-ant (sad sit), ghn-ant (ban sJaij), y-ant (i go), s-ant (as U) ; pasy-ant seeing) ich-smt wishing ; ^rnv-a.nt doing ; suny-ant 2ircssing ; bhanj-ant hreaJcing ; jan-ant knowing ; janay-ant begetting ; yuyuts-ant wishing to fight ; fut. karisy-ant about to do ; aor. saks-ant (sab overcome).
a. The analogy of these participles is followed by a few adjectives that have lost their old participial meaning: rbant ioeah, prsant spotted, brbant great, riisant brilliant; also the substantive dant^ tooth. The adj. mabant great, also originally a participle,^ deviates from the participial declension in lengthening the vowel of the suffix in the strong forms :
Sing. N. m. mahan ; n. mabat. A. mabant-am. I. mabat-a. Du. N.A. mabant-a, -au. D. mabad-bbyam. PI. N. mabant-as. A. mabat-as. I. mabad-bbis. L. mabat-su.
' For original addnt-s, cp. Lat. edens.
2 Probably an old participle of ad eat witli prehistoric loss of the initial a like s-dnt being from as he.
3 From the root mail (originally magh). Cp. Lat. mag-nu-s.
A
85-8G] PEESENT PARTICIPLES 63
J). The participles of verbs with a reduplicating present base, i. e. those of the third class (127, 2) and intensives (172), do not distinguish a strong stem,' in other words, have at throughout ; e, g. bibhyat fearing, ghanighn-at repeatedly hilling (\/han). The analogy of these participles is followed by a few others formed from unreduplicated bases: das-at w or shipping, sas-at instructing; also daks-at and dhaks-at aor. part, of dah hum. A few others, again, originally participles, have come to be used as substantives with a shift of accent to the suffix. Three of these are f. and two m. : vahat,'^ sravat ^ f. stream ; vehat ^ f. barren cow ; vaghat m. sacrificer ; sascat ' m. pursuer. Besides the first three substantives just mentioned there are no feminines except the adjective a-sascat unequalled '' when used as a f. Hardly any n. forms occur except from the old reduplicated participle jag-at going, living (from ga go), used chiefly as a substantive meaning tlie animate ivorld. The inflexion of these reduplicated stems in at is like that of the compounded radical t stems (77), the accent never shifting to the endings.
The forms occurring if made from dadat giving (-/da) would be:
Sing. N. m. n. dadat. A. m. dadat-am. I. dadat-a. D.
dadat-e. G. dadat-as. L. dadat-i. Plur. N.A. dadat-as. I. dadad-bhis. G. dadat-am.
86. The adjective stems formed with the suffixes -mant and -vant, which both mean possessing, are inflected exactly alike and differ from the stems in -ant solely in lengthening the vowel of the suffix in the N. s. m.^ The V. of these stems
1 Which ]ias been weakened because here the accent is regularly on the reduplicative syllable,
"^ But vah-ant carrying as a participle.
3 But ST&v-&-nt flowing. * The derivation of this word is uncertain.
^ But s^sc-at as a participle (from sac accompany).
* Lit. having no equal ; but ^-saseaut-i as tlie f. of the participle sascat.
■^ The f. is formed with i from the weak stem : mat-i, vat-i (95).
64 DECLENSION [86-87
is regularly^ formed with mas and vas ■ ; e.g. ha vis-mas from havis-m.ant ; bhaga-vas from bhaga-vant.
From go-mant 2)ossessed ofcoivs would be formed :
Sing. N. m. g6man ; n. gomat. A. m. gomant-am. L. go-
mat-i. V. m. gomas. PI. N. m. gomant-as ; n. gomant-i.^ A. m. gomat-as.
L. gomat-su.
87. Adjective stems are formed with the suffixes -in, -min, -vin, which mean iiossessing. Those in -in are very common, those in -vin number nearly twenty, but there is only one in -min : rg-min praising. They are declined in the m. and n. only ; * but the n. forms are very rare, occurring in the s. N. I. G. only. These stems sometimes come to be used as m. substantives ; e. g. gath-in singer. As in all derivative stems ending in n, the vowel of the suffix is lengthened in the N. s. m., and the n disappears in that case (in the n. also) and before consonant endings.
The forms actually occurring, if made from hast-in having hands, would be as follows :
Sing. m. N, hasti. A. hastin-am. I. hastin-a. D. hastin-e.
Ab.G. hastin-as. L. hastin-i. V. hastin. Du. m. N.A. hastin-a, -au. I.D. hasti-bhyam. G.L.
hastin-os. PI. m. N. hastin-as. I. hasti-bhis. D. hasti-bhyas. G.
hastin-am. L. hasti-su. Sing. n. N. hasti. I. hastin-a. G. hastin-as.
1 There are sixteen in the KV. in vas and only three in the later van (of which there are eight more in the AV.). There are six vocatives in mas in the EV., but no example of tlie form in man.
2 There are also vocatives in vas from stems in van and vams (cp. the V. in yas from stems in yams).
* The only two forms that occur are ghrt&vanti and pasumanti. The Padapatha reads vanti and manti in these forms, and the lengthening of the vowel seems metrical.
4 The f. stem is formed with i : asvin possessing horses ; f. a^vin-i.
88-89]
COMPARATIVE STEMS IN YAMS
65
88. 3, Comparative stems are formed with the suffix yams, which is nearly always added with the connecting vowel i to the accented root. Only two stems are formed with yams exclusively : jya-yams greater and san-yams older ; six others are formed with yams as well as i-yams ; e.g. bhu-yams and bhav-iyams more. The strong stem is reduced in the weak cases, by dropping the nasal and shortening the vowel, to yas. These stems are declined in the m, and n. only.^ No forms of the du. occur, and in the pi. only the N. A. G. are found. The V. s. ends in yas.^ The forms actually occurring, if made from kan- iyams younger, would be as follows :
Masculine.
SINGULAR.
PLUKAL.
N. kaniyan
A. kaniyarns-am
I. kaniyas-a D. kaniyas-e Ab. G. kaniyas-as L. kaniyas-i V. kaniyas
kaniyamsas
kaniyas-as
G. kaniyas-am
Neuter.
N.A. kaniyas
kaniyams-i
The I.D.Ab.G. sing, n., identical with the m., also occur.
Nouns with Three Stems.
89. 1. The stem of the perf. part, active is formed with the suffix vams. This is reduced in the weak cases in two ways : before consonant terminations (by dropping the nasal
' The f. is formed by adding i to the weak stem, e.g. pr^yas-i dearer. "^ Cp. the mant, vant (86), and the vams (89) stems
1819 -p
66
DECLENSION
[89
and shortening the vowel) to vas which becomes vat ^ ; and before vowel terminations (by loss of the nasal accom- panied by Samprasarana) to us which becomes us. There are thus three stems : vams, vat, and us. The accent always rests on the suffix in uncompounded forms. The inflexion is restricted to the m. and n.- The only specifically n. form occurring is the A. s. The V. s. is regularly formed with vas,^ The forms actually occurring, if made from cakrvams having done, would be as follows :
SINGULAR.
Masculine.
DUAL.
PLURAL.
|
N. cakrvan A. cakrvams-am |
cakrvams-a • • cakrvams- a • • |
-, • 1 cakrvams-as |
|
oakrus-as |
I. cakriis-a D. cakrus-e Ab.G. cakr-As-as
I. cakrvad-bhis
G. cakrus-am
V. eakr-vas
Neuter.
N.A. cakr-vat
a. In about a dozen of these participles the suffix vams is preceded by i {either as a reduced form of final radical a or as a connecting vowel) :
jajni-van (from jna Jcnoiv), tasthi-van (stha stand), papi- van (pa drinJc), yayi-van (ya go), rari-van (ra give) ; ly-i-van {i go), jagm-i-van (beside jagan- van ^ : gam. go), papt-i-van {'j&tflp), pros-i-vau (pra-|- vas dwell), vivis-i-van (vis enter) ;
' Oil the change of s to t cp. 66 B 1 ?).
^ The f. is formed with i from the weakest stem : e. g. caki-ua-i.
' Cp. the mant, vant (86), and the yams stems (88).
*- On the change of m to n see 68.
89-90] STEMS IN AN, MAN, VAN G7
ok-i-van ' (uc be ivoni). This i is dropped before us ; e. g. tasth-us-a, iy-us-as, jagm-iis-e.
90. 2. Nouns in an, man, van include a large number of words, those in van being by far the commonest, those in an the least frequent. These stems are almost restricted to m. and n. ; '" but some forms of adjective stems serve as f., and there is one specifically f. stem yos-an tvomnn.
In the strong cases the a of the suffix is visually lengthened, e. g. adiivan-am ; but in half a dozen an and man stems it remains unchanged, e. g. arya-man-am. In the weak cases the a is often syncopated before vowel endings, though never when man and van are preceded by a consonant, e. g. I. s. gravna from gravan pressing stone (but as-man-a stone), while before consonant endings the final n disappears,^ e.g. raja-bhis. In the RV. syncopation never takes place in the N.A. du. n., nor with one exception (sata-davni) in the L. s.
As in all other n stems, the nasal is dropped in the N. s., e. g. m. adhva, n. karma. But there are two peculiarities of inflexion which, being common to these three groups, do not appear elsewhere in the consonant declension. The ending of the L. s. is in the EV. dropped more often than not ; e. g. miirdhan beside murdhan-i on the head. In the N.A. pi. n. both the final n of the stem and the termination i are, in the RV., dropped in nineteen stems, e.g. karma;* while they are retained in eighteen, e. g. karmani.
1. The an stems, which are both m. and n.," besides the
1 With reversion to guttural, lack of reduplication, and strengthened radical vowel.
2 The stems in an and man form their f. with i added to their weakest form ; those in van substitute vari.
° That is, the a represents an original sonant nasal.
* Seven of these appear with a in the Samhita text, but with a, like the rest, in the Pada text. The evidence of the Avesta indicates that the a form of the Samhita is the older.
^ Six or seven adjectival forms ai-e used as f.
f2
68
DECLENSION
[90
one f. yosan, .ire not numerous. In the strong forms
rbhu-ksan chief of the Rhhus, pus-an, a god, and y6s-an
ivoman retain short a ; tiks-an ox and vfs-an hull fluctuate
between a and a. In the inflexion of these stems (unlike
those in man and van) the concurrence of three consonants
is not avoided ; e. g. sirsn-a, I. of sirs-an.
o. Six stems belong etymologically to this group though seeming to belong to one of the other two. They are : yu-v-an ' m, youth, sv-dn ^ m. dog, rjf-svan^ m. a man, matari-s van ^ m. a demi-god, vi-bhv-an^/ar- reaching, pari-jm-an* going round, sirs-dn n. is an extended form of siras head = sir(a)s-din.
The normal forms, if made from rajan Mng, would be :
|
SINGULAR. |
DUAL. |
PLURAL. |
|||
|
N. raja A. rajan-am V. rajan ^ |
N.A. |
rajan-a, |
-au |
N. |
rajan-as |
|
A. |
rajn-as |
I.D. raja-bhyam
I. raja-bhis D. raja-bhyas G. raj n- am
L. raja-su
I. rajn-a D. rajn-e Ab.G. rajn-as G. rajn-os
L. rajan-i rajan
The n. differs in the N.A. only. No example of the s. N.A. occurs (p. 70, n. 1). But the du. of ahan dai/ is ahan-i, pi. ahan-i.
2. The stems in man are about equally divided between m. and n., the former being mostly agenii nouns, the latter verbal abstracts. About a dozen forms from these stems as final members of compounds are used as feminines.*' In
1 See below, 91. 3, 4. " Probably from su^)o?w.
3 From bhu be. * Fj-om gam go.
^ The V. of matari-svan is matari-svas as if from a stem in van.
^ No certain examples of f. formed with i from man stems are found in the RV., though the AV. has five sucli at the end of compounds.
90] STEMS IN MAN 69
the strong forms arya-man ra. a god, t-man ni. self, j6-man victorious retain the short vowel in the suffix. In the weak forms, even when the suffix is preceded by a vowel, about a dozen forms do not syncopate the a, e. g. bhu-man-a, da-man-e. In the I. s. seven stems not only syncopate, but drop either the m or the n as well : prathi-n-a, pre-n-a, bhu-n-a, mahi-n-a, vari-n-a; draghm-a, rasm-a.
The normal forms, if made from as-man (Gk. dKfj.coi/) m. stone, would be: —
Sing. N. asma. A. asman-am. I. asman-a.' D. asman-e.' Ab.G. asman-as. L. asman-i and asman. V. asman.
Du. N.A.V. asman-a. L. asman-os.
Plur. N.V. asman-as. A. asman-as. I. asma-bhis. D. asma-bhyas. Gr. asman-am. L. asma-su.
The n. differs in the N.A. only. These cases from karman act are :
Sing, karma. Du. karman-i. PL karman-i, karma, karma.
3. The stems in van are chiefly verbal adjectives and are almost exclusively declined in the m. Hardly a dozen of them make n. forms, and only five or six forms are used as f.^ In the strong cases there is only one example of the a remaining short : anarvan-am. In the weak cases, when the suffix is preceded by a vowel, the a is always syncopated in the Samhita text except in the forms da-van-e, vasu-van-e, and rta-van-i. The V. is usually formed in van, but there are four in vas : rta-vas, eva-ya-vas, pratar-it-vas, vi-bha-vas.^
1 When the suffix is preceded by a voXvel, the a is generally synco- pated, as mahi-mn-a, also mahi-n-a, &c.
2 The f. of these stems is otherwise formed with i, which is, how- ever, never added to van, but regularly to a collateral suffix vara. Twenty-five such stems in vari are found in the RV.
^ Cp. the mant, vant, yams, vams stems.
70
DECLENSION
[90-91
The normal forms occurring, if made from gra-van m. pressing-stone, would be :
Sing. N. grava, A. gravan-am. I. gravn-a. D. gravn-e.
Ab.G. gravn-as. L. gravan-i and gravan. V. gravan. Du. N.A.V. gravan-a, -au. I. grava-bhyam. G. gravn-os. PL N.V. gravan-as. A. gravn-as. I. grava- bhis. D.
grava-bhyas. G. gravn-am. L. grava-su.
The n. differs in the N.A. only. These cases (the du. does not occur) formed from dhanvan hoiv are : Sing. dhanva. PI. dhanvani, dhanva, dhanva.
Irregular Stems in an.
91. 1. Pdnth-an m. path, forming the strong stem panthan, is best treated under the irregular stems in radical a (97 A. 2 a).
2. ah-an n. day, otherwise regular, supplements the N. s. with ah-ar.'
3. sv-an m. dog, otherwise inflected lilie rajau, takes Samprasarana in its weakest stem sun,^ which, as represent- ing an originally disyllabic stem,^ retains the accent :
|
SINGULAR. |
DUAL. |
PLURAL. |
|
N. sva [kvoov) A. svan-am |
svan-a, -au svan-a, -au |
svan-a.s |
|
sun-as |
I. sun-a
G. sun-as [kvvos)
I. sva-bhis D. sva-bhyas
G. siin-am
^ The normal N. in a appears to have been avoided in an stems, collatei-al stems always being substituted in this case, as dksi for aksdn eye, &c.
2 So also in Greek : kvvus = sun-as.
* Cp. Greek kvuv.
91-02] .
IKREGULAE STEMS IN AN
71
4, yii-v-an, m. youth, otherwise regular, forms its weakest stem, yun, by Samprasarana and contraction ^ (yii-un) :
SINGULAR.
DUAL.
PLURAL.
N. yuva V. yuvan A. yuvan-am
N.A. yiivan-a N.V. yuvan-
as
D. yiin-e^ G. yxin-as
A. yun-as
I. yuva-bhis D. yuva-bhyas
5. magha-van ^ hounti/ul, an epithet of Indra, also forms its weakest stem, maghon, by Samprasarana and contraction (magha-un) :
SINGULAR.
DUAL.
PLURAL.
N. magha-va V. magha-van A. magha-van-am
magha-van-a
magha-van-as
G. maghon-as
maghon-os
maghon-as maghon-am
6. udhan n. udder supplements the N. s. with udhar and udhas ; before consonant endings, the latter stem also occurs : pi. L. udhas-su,
92. The root han, which forms the final member of thirty-five compounds in the RV., follows, for the most part, the analogy of derivative stems in an. The strong stem is
' Cp. Lat. juven-is and jun-ior.
2 The stem retains the accent because it represents a disyllable ; cp. sv^n.
* The supplementary stem magh^-vant is also used in the following cases : N. raaghivan. PI. I. maghavad-bhis. D. magh^vad-bhyas. L. maghfivat-su.
72
DECLENSION
[92-93
-ban (with a long vowel in the N. s. only), the middle is -ha, and the weakest -ghn.^ The cases that occur would in the compound vrtra-han Vrtra-slaying be :
SINGULAR.
DUAL.
PLURAL.
|
N. vrtra-ha N.A. vrtra-han-a, v. vrtra-han A. vrtra-hanam |
-au |
N. vrtra-han-as |
|
A. vrtra-ghn-as |
I. vrtra-ghn-a D. vrtra-ghn-6 G. vrtra-ghn-as L. vrtra-ghn-i
I. vrtra-ha-bhis
3. Adjectives in anc.
93. These words, the suffix " of which generally expresses the meaning of -ivarcl, form the strong stem in anc, the middle in Tc or uc ^ (according as ac is preceded by y or v). About fourteen stems have a weakest form in ie, and about six in uc, which, if they are the contractions of accented syllables, shift the accent to the endings.^ They are inflected in the m. and n. only, the f. being formed with i from the weakest stem. The only cases occurring in the pi. are the N.A. and in the du. N.A.L.
The forms actually found, if made from praty-anc turned totvards, would be :
^ Here the li reverts to the original guttural aspirate ; the n in this combination is never cerebralized.
- Properly the root anc bend, which has, however, practically acquired the character of a suffix.
^ Here ya and va irregularly contract to i and u, instead of i and u.
* This is the general rule of the RV., but not of the AV. Thus A. pi. pratic-as RV., pratic-as AV.
93]
ADJECTIVES IN ANC
73
SINGULAR.
Masculine.
DUAL.
PLURAL.
N. pratyan (61) N.A. pratyafic-a, -au N. pratyanc-as A. pratyanc-am
A. pratic-as
I. pratic-a D. pratic-6 Ab.G. pratie-as L. pratic-i
N.A. pratyak
L. pratic-6s
Neuter. pratic-i
a. Other words similarly declined are Strong Stem.
Middle
Stem.
ny-aSc downward ny-ak
sam-y-anc ^ united sam-y-ak
tir-y-anc ^ transverse tir-y-ak
lid-anc upivard ud-ak
anv-anc follotving anv-ak
visv-afic all-pervading visv-ak
Weakest Stem,
nic^
sam-ic
tiras-c
lid-ic '
anuc
visuc
b. About a dozen stems, in which the anc is preceded by a word ending in a, have no weakest form. Such are apanc backward, arvane Jdtherward, avafic dowmvard, devanc godivard, paranc turned atvay, pranc forward. The only
^ The stem nic seems to have retained the accent ; for the f. is nic-i (not nic-i), and the I. nica being used adverbially probably has an adverbial shift of accent, devadrydnc godward also retains the accent on the suffix : I. devadrica.
^ The y is here inserted by analogy.
^ Here tiri takes the place of tiras across, from which the weakest stem tirasc (= tirds + ae) is formed.
i i
i, though no y precedes the a of the suffix, by analogy.
74 DECLENSION [93-95
cases occurring in the clu. and pi. aie the N.A. m. The inflexion of these words may be illustrated by apanc : Sing. m. N. apan (61). A. apanc-am. I. apac-a.
L. apae-i. Du. N.A. apanc-a, apanc-au. PI. N. apanc-as. A. apac-as.
The only distinctively n. form is N.A. s. prak.^ The f. is formed from the weak stem with i : prac-i.
94. The points to be noted about changeable stems are :
1. The vowel of the suffix is lengthened in the N. s. m. except in ant and anc stems : g6-man, agni-van ; kaniyan ; cakr-van; raja; asma, grava, yiiv-a; hasti, rg-mi, taras-vi ; but ad-an, pratyan.
2. The N. sing, ends in a nasal in all changeable stems except those in n, which drop it.
3. All changeable stems that lengthen the vowel in the N. s. m. shorten it in the V. Those that drop the n in the N., retain it in the V., while those that have n (after a) in the N. drop it in the V., and add s :
thus rajan (N. raja)," asman (N. asma), gravan (N. grava), yuvan (N. yiiva);^ hastin (N. hasti); havismas (N. havisman), marutvas ^ (N. marutvan) ; kaniyas (N. kaniyan) ; cakrvas (N. cakrvan).
a. The only changeable stems in which the V. does not differ in form (though it does in accent) from the N. are the ant and anc stems : ddan (N. adan) ; pratyan (N. pratydn).
95. The feminines of nouns with changeable stems are
1 In B. some half-dozen N.A. plur. n. forms occur : pranci, praty- aiici, arvafici, samyanci, sadhryanci, anvanci.
^ One an stem has a V. in as : matari-sv-as (p. 68, n. 5).
^ Four van stems form their V. in vas : rta-vas, eva-ya-vas, pratar- it-vas, vi-bha-vas.
* The RV. has three vocatives in van : arvan, i§atavan, ^avasavan. The AV. has five others, but none in vas.
95-9(5] FEMININES OF CHANGEABLE STEMS 75
formed by adding i to the weak stem (when there are two stems) or the weakest (when there are three) ; e. g. adat-i (m. adant); dhenumat-i (m. dhenumant), amavat-i (m. amavant) ; arkin-i (m. arkin) ; navyas-i (m. naviyams) ; jagmus-i(m.jagm-i-vams); sam-rajn-i(m.rajan), maghon-i (m. maghavan), -ghn-i (rn. -han) ; pratic-i (m. pratyanc) ; avitr-i (m. avitar).
a. The f. of the present participle active of the first conjugation (125) is made from the strong m. stem in ant (cp. 156); that of the second conjugation from the weak stem in at ; e. g. bhavant-i being, uchant-i ' shining, pusyant-i obtaining abundantly, coddyant-i urging ; but ghnat-i (m. ghnant) slaying, -pipvaX-l furthering (m, piprat), krnvafr-i (m. krnv^nt), yunjat-i (m. ynnjdnt) yoking, puriat-i (m. pundnt) purifying.
b. The f. of the simple future participle is foi'med like the present participle of the first conjugation : sii-syant-i about to bring forth, san- isy^nt-i going to obtain.
c. Adjectives in van form their f. in var-i ; e. g. pi-van (iriajv) fat, f. pi-var-i {nUtpa — niffpia). The f. of the irregular yii-v-an young (91. 4) is yuva-ti.
Irregular Nouns with Changeable Stems.
96. 1. ap f. water lengthens its vowel in the strong cases du. and pi. and substitutes t for p before bh. The forms occurring are :
Sing. I. ap-a. Ab.G. ap-as. Du. N. apa.- Pi. N.V. ap-as. A. ap-as. I. ad-bhis. D. ad-bhyas. G. ap-am. L. ap-sii.
2. anad-vah m. ox (lit. cart- drawer, from anas + vah) has three stems: the last syllable is lengthened in the strong stem anad-vah ; and shortened by Samprasarana in the weakest anad-uh and in the middle anad-ud (dissimilated
^ Tlie weak stem appears once in sinc-at-i sprinkling beside the gular sine-din t-i. ^ In a compound.
76
DECLENSION
[96-97
for anad-ud). The N. is irregularly formed as if from a stem in vant. The forms occurring are :
SINGULAR.
DUAL.
PLURAL.
|
N. anad-van A. anad-vah-am |
N. anad-vah-au A. anad-vah-au |
N. anad-vah-as |
|
A. anad-uh-as |
G. anad-uh-as L. anad-iih-i
D. anad-tid-bhis L. anad-ut-su
3. pu-mams^ m. man has three forms : its a is lengthened in the strong stem, and syncopated in the weakest to pums, in the middle to pum.^ The forms occurring are :
SINGULAR.
PLURAL.
N. puman (89. 1)
V. pumas
A. pumams-am
Ab.Gr. pums-as L. pums-i
pumams-as
pums-as Gr. pums-am
L. pum-su
II. Stems ending in Vowels.
97. A. 1. The stems in derivative a (m. n.)' and a (f.)^ constitute the most important declensions because the former embraces more than one half of all nominal stems, and the latter includes more feminines than any other declension.
1 Probably an old compound, with the second part of which the Lat. mas ' male ' may be allied.
2 With necessary loss of the s between consonants : cp. 28 and 16 a. * N. -as, -am = Gk. -os, -ov ; Lat. -us, -urn.
4 .5
Gk. -a, -T] ; Lat.
97]
STEMS IN A AND A
i I
These two declensions ' are also the most endings diverge from the normal ones elsewhere. The a declension is the only N.A. n. has an ending in the singular, Ab. s. is distinguished from the G. The differs from that of the m. in the N.A.V. s, The forms actually occurring, if made would be :
irregular since the here more than
one in which the and in which the inflexion of the n. . du., and pi. only.
from priya dear,
|
Singular. |
Plural. |
||||
|
MASC. |
FEM. |
MASC. |
FEM. |
||
|
N. |
priya-s |
priya |
N.- |
priyas priyasas^ |
priyas priyasas '^ |
|
A. |
priya-m |
priya-m |
A. priyan^ |
priyas |
|
|
I. |
priy^na - priya ^ |
( priyaya - I priya |
I. fpriyais® Ipriy^bhis |
priyabhis |
|
|
D. Ab. G. L. V. |
priyaya priyat ^ priyasya \ priy6 priya |
priya-yai •' priya-yas^ priya-yam ° priye ® |
D.Ab. priyabhyas G. priya-n-am " L. priyasu" V. ( priyas |
priyabhyas priya-n-am priyasu '' priyas |
|
|
priyasas |
Dual. N.A. m. priya,^^ priyau ; f. priy6. I. D.Ab. m. f. n. priyabhyam. G.L. m.f n. priya-y-os.
* Certain adjectives in -as -a -am follow the pronominal declension (110).
2 These terminations originally came from the pronominal declen- sion (110). The final of ana is often lengthened (ena).
3 This form, made with the normal I. ending a, is rare.
* This ending is preserved in the Lat. o for od (e.g. Gnaivocl in inscriptions) and in the Greek (Cretic) adverb rai-Se hence.
5 The terminations yai ( = ya-e), yas (= ya-as), yam are due to the influence of tlie feminines in i (originally ya), e.g. devydi, devyas, devyam (ep. 100 .
(For notes "^'^ see next page.)
78 DECLENSION [97
a. The N. A. neuter forms are : Sing, priya-m. Du. priy6.
PI. priya" and priya-n-i.'^
a. In the Brahmanas and Sutras the D. s. f. ending ai is used instead of the Ab.G. ending as both in tliis declension and elsewhere (98. 3 a) ; e. g. jirnayai tvacah of dead skin.
2. Eadical a stems, m. and f./'' are common in the RV., being formed from about thirty roots. Most of them appear only as the final member of compounds, but four are used as monosyllables in the m. : ja child, tra protector, da giver, stha standing; and seven in the f . : ksa abode, 'kh.a. ivell, gna divine woman, ja child, jya bowstring, ma measure, vra troop^'' The forms occurring in the oblique cases are so
6 The form amba, occurring thrice in the RV., may have a V. meaning, 0 mother ! The VS. and TS. have the V. ambe as from a stem d.niba mother.
'^ This form seems to consist of a double ending : as-as. The form in as is about twice in the RV. and twenty-four times in the AV. as frequent as that in asas.
8 That the ending was originally -ns is shown by the Sandhi (40. 2) ; ep. Gothic -cms, Gk. inscr. -ors.
3 This ending is preserved in such Greek datives as imrois. It is slightly commoner in the RV. than priy^bhis, but in the AV. it is five times as common. It is almost always used in the Brahmanas.
10 The n seems to have been due to the iniluence of the n stems.
11 The u of su is almost invariably to be read with hiatus, even
before u.
12 This form is rare in the RV., being probably due to the influence
of the maiiy masculines.
13 The du. in a is more than seven times as common as that in au
in the RV.
1* The form in a is commoner in the RV. than that in ani in the proportion of three to two. In the AV. the proportion is reversed.
'5 This form is due to the influence of the an stems, which form their n. pi. in both a and ani, e. g. nama and namani.
16 There are no distinctively n. forms, as the radical vowel in that "■ender is always shortened to a, and the stem is tlien inflected according to the derivative declension.
1'' These stems become less common in the later Sarnhitas, where they often shorten the final vowel to a, and^ are then inflected like derivative a stems.
97-98] EADICAL A STEMS 79
rare that some endings, such as those of the L. s., the G.L. du., and the Gr. pi. are not represented at all. The ni. always takes s in the N. s., but the f. often drops it, doubtless owing to the influence of the derivative a stems. The radical vowel is dropped before the endings e' and as of tlie D. and G. s. The forms actually occurring, if made from j a child m. f., would be: Sing. N. ja-s, f. also ja. A. jam. I. ja. D. j-6, G. j-as.
V. ja-s. Dual. N.A.V. ja and jau. I. ja-bhyam.- Plur. N. jas. A. jas. I. ja-bhis. D. ja-bhyas. Ab.
ja-bhyas. L. ja-su.
a. Five anomalously formed m. derivative stems in a follow the analogy of the radical a stems.
Tlie strong stem of pathi m. path is in the RV. pfetha only : Sing. N. pdntha-s. A. p^ntlia-m. PI. N. pduthas. The AV. has besides the stem pdnthan : Sing. N. pdntha. A. panthanam. PI. N. panthau-as.
From the adverb tatha thus is formed the sing. N. a-tatha-s not say- ing ' yes '.
usana m., a seer, has a N. like a f. : usana. A. usana-m. D. usan-e.
mantha churning stick and maha great form the A. m^ntha-m and maha-rn.
8. Radical a stems, m. n., numbering about twenty, consist almost entirely of stems in radical a that has been shortened to a. Excepting kha n, a^erfure they appear as final members of compounds only; e.g. prathaDaa-jay^rs^ horn, -ha slaying is a reduced form of han ; e. g. satru-ha slaying enemies.
98. B. Stems in i and u (m.f.n.).
Both declensions embrace a large number of nouns of all genders. But the i declension contains comparatively few n. stems, and, excepting the N.A. s. and pi., n. forms are
^ Not, however, in most of the dative infinitives ; e. g. para-dai to give up, pra-khyai to see, prati-mai imitate (cp. 167).
^ Contrary to the rule generally ajiplicable to monosyllabic stems, the accent remains on thfe radical syllable tliroughout.
80
DECLENSION
[98
rare in it, not occurring at .ill in several cases. In the u declension the masculines greatly preponderate, being about four times as numerous as the f. and n. stems taken together, while the neuters here greatly outnumber the feminines. The inflexion, which is closely parallel in both groups, is practically the same in all genders except that the N.A. s. and pi. n. differ from the m. and f., and the A. pi. m. and f. differ from each other. The final vowel of the stem shows Guna in three of the weak cases of the s. (D.Ab.G.), as well as in the V. s. and the N. pL m. f., while it is abnormally strengthened in the L. s. The normal ending as of the Ab.G. s. is reduced to s, while that of the L. s. is always dropped in the i declension and usually in the u declension. The inflexion of the n stems has influenced the i declension in the I. s. only, but the u declension in the G.Ab. and L. also. Oxytone stems, when i and u are changed to y and v, throw the accent on a following vowel, not as Svarita, but as Udatta, and even on the nam of the G. pi., though the stem vowel in that case does not lose its syllabic value.
The adjectives siic-i IrUjlit and madh-u sweet may be used to illustrate the forms actually occurring :
Singular.
m.
N. stici-s A. suci-m -J- jsucy-a jo.^v.j I suci-n-a j siici [suci
suci-s suci-m ' siicy-a '^
n.
suci suci
suci-n-a
m.
madhu-s madhu-m madhv-a ^ madhu-n-a
f. n.
madhu-s madhu madhu-m madhu madhv-a
madhu-n-
1 Five Btems in the EV. form their I. like siicya, but twenty-five (under the influence of the n declension) like siicina.
2 This is the normal formation, but the contracted form in i is more than twice as common in the EV. The latter is in the EV. further shortened to i in about a dozen words.
3 The normally formed I. in a is made in the m. by only four stems, but that with na by thirty in the EV. ; in the n. the na form is used almost exclusively.
m. f. n. m.
D. ^ucay-e siicay-e^ siicaye madhav-e'^
G. i5uce-s suce-s° suce-s jmadho-s^
Imadhv-as siica j madhav-i ^ sucau 1 madhau
suca '"'
tr (suca
sucau sucau
V. suce
98]
DERIVATIVE STEMS IN I AND U
81
n.
madhav-e f madhav-e " ,madhu-n-e
b. suce-s^ siice-s [suce-s] raadho-s madho-s
suce
[suci] madho Dual.
madho-s " Imadhu-n-as
madho-s f madho-s ^^ 1 ra.adhu-n-as [ madhav-i '^
madhau \ madhau
[madhu-n-i
madho madhu
[.A.V. suci^ Slid
suci
D.Ab. suci-bhyam
r.L. siiey-os
madhu ^ madhu madhv-i " madhv-os madhv-os madhu-n-os''
i-n-a
^ ari m.f. deroitt and fivi m. sheep have ary-Ss and ^vy-as. 2 The form in au is more than twice as common as that in a in m. and f.
^ The derivative 1, u and i stems are the only ones that do not take a or an in the dual.
* uti with aid is often used as a D. The RV. has seven datives in ai, e.g. bhrty-di /or sustenance, following the analogy of the i declension. ® The RV. has six forms according to the i declension, e. g. yuvaty-as. •^ The form vidi on the altar, occurring twice, is the only L. from an i stem with the normal ending i ( = vedi-i).
' This type occurs from over sixty stems, the normal formation (m^dhv-e) from only three stems in the RV.
^ The normally formed type m^dhv-as is followed by six stems, the prevailing type madho-s by over seventy in the RV.
■' Seven stems follow this type, while nineteen follow madhau in the RV. '" Prom one stem also madhv-e. '^ Once also mddhv-as. ^^ Also madhv-as, vdsv-as. ^^ Only in the form sanav-i.
'■* Tlie only example in RV. is urv-i the two earths. The VS. has janu-n-i two knees. '^ The only example is janu-n-os (AV.).
1819 Q
82
DECLENSION
[98
Plural.
m.
n.
N.V. sucay-as^ sucay-as^jsiici*
A. siici-n ^ suci-s ) suci-n-i madhu-n
m. f.
madhav-as' madhav-as
I.
D.Ab.
G.
L.
suci-bhis suci-bhyas suei-n-am suci-su
madhu-s
madhu-bhis madhu-bhyas madhu-n-am madhxi-su
n.
madhu madhu madhu-
a. Twenty-seven i stems in the RV. show forms according to the derivative i declension in the D.Ab.G.L. s. f. : e.g. bhrti f. sustenance: D. bhrty-ai ; bhiimi f. earth: Ab.G. bhumy-as, L. bhiimy-ani. Such forms in ai, as, am are much commoner in the AV. In B. ai is regularly used instead of as (cp. 97 a a). Besides the numerous I. s. forms in na the EV. has half a dozen i stems showing the influence of the n declension in the incipient use of the endings ni in the N.A.V. du. n. and ni in the N.A. pi. n.
In the u declension the RV. has only three forms following the analogy of the derivative i declension : isu f. arrow : D. isv-ai, G. isv- as, su-vastv-as of the (river) Suvastu (all in late passages).^ There are
1
1 The only stem not taking Guna is ari devout which has the N. pi. ary-^s m. f.
2 The original ending ns is in both ^liein and m£dhiin preserved in the Sandhi forms of ms or mr (39, 40).
^ About ten stems in i in the RV. have N. pi, forms according to the derivative i declension ; e. g. avanis streams beside avdnayas.
* The normal type siici ( = suci-i) is of about the same frequency as its shortened form sdci, both together occurring about fifty times in the RV. The secondary type sucini occurs about fourteen times.
" There is only one example of the N. pi. m. without Guna : mMhv-as itself occurring four times.
« There are two examples of the N. pi. f. without Guna : md,dhv-as and satd-kratv-as having a hundred powers.
"^ The typo without ending is made from twelve stems, the form with shortened vowel being nearly twice as common as that with u. The secondary type m&dhuni is more frequent than m^dhu.
8 In B. the D. s. f. ending ai is here regularly used instead of the Ab.G. as.
98-99] IRREGULAR I STEMS 83
also some forms following the analogy of the u declension : A. d-bhirv- am from &-hh.im fearless and N. du. and pi. in yuv-a and yuv-as fi'om several stems derived with the suffix yu. Besides the numerous I. singulars m. and n., there are many alternative n. forms, in the remaining cases of the s. and N. A. pi., following the n declension : D. madhu-ne, kasipu-ne ; Ab. mMhu-nas, sanu-nas ; Q. caru-nas, daru-nas, drii-nas, mddhu-nas, vd.su-nas ; L. ayu-ni, sanu-ni ; daru- ni ; N.A. pi, darQ-ni, &c.
h. There is no example of a V. s. n. from an i stem, and the only one from an u stem is giiggulu (AV.). This seems to indicate that the V. s. in these stems was identical with the N.
c. Adjectives in u often use this stem for the f. also ; e. g. caru dear ; otherwise they form the f. in ii, as tanu m., tanu f. thin (Lat. ienu-is); or in i, as uru m., urv-i f. wide.
d. There are about a dozen stems in which final i seems to be radical in a secondary sense as representing a reduced form of roots ending in a. They are mostly m. compounds formed with -dhi ; e.g. ni-dhi treasury. There are also about eight stems formed from roots in u, all of which except dyii day are final mepabers of compounds ; e. g. raghu- drvi running sioiftly ; besides some twelve stems in which u is radical in a secondary sense, as representing the shortened form of the vowel of three roots in u ; e.g. su-pu clarifying well (from t^xx. purify), pari-bhii surrounding (from bhui he).
The inflexion of these radical i and u stems is exactly the same as that of the derivative i and u stems given above.
Irregularities.
99. 1. pati (Gk. Troo-^-y) m. Jmshancl is irregular in the D.G.L. s. : paty-e, paty--ur,i paty-au; while the I. in this sense has the normal form paty-a. When it means lord, either as a simple word or as final member of a compound, it is regular : D. patay-e, brhas-patay-e, G. pate-s, praja- pate-s, L. go-patau ; while the I. in this sense is formed with na: pati-na, brhas-patina. The f. is patni (Gk. TroTVLo) toife and lady.
^ The anomalous ending appears to be due to the influence of the Ab.G. in the names of relationship (101) in r like pitiii', G. of pitf father.
g2
84 DECLENSION [99
a. The f. jd.ni mfe takes the anomalous ending ur in the G. : jdny-ui'.' It has the further anomaly of forming its N. j£ni like the derivative i declension.
2. sakh-i m. friend, besides having irregularities like pati in the weak cases of the s., has a strong stem formed with Vrddhi : N. sakha, A. sakhay-am, I. sakhy-a, D. sakhy-e, Ab.G. sakhy-ur,' V. sakhe.^ Du. sakhay-a and sakhay-au ; PL N. sakhay-as, A. sakhi-n, 1. sakhi-bhis, D. sakhi-bhyas, G. sakhi-n-am.
ft. In the RV. sikhi occurs as the final member of eight compoiinds in which it is inflected in the same way and is also used as a f. ; e. g. marut-sakha. N. m. f. having the Maruts as friends.
3. ari devout is irregular in forming several cases like the radical i stems (except in accentuation) : sing. A. ary-am (beside ari-m) m., G. ary-as m. ; j^l. N. ary-as m. f., A. ary-as m. f,
a. The VS. lias also the N. s. ari-s, beside the regular ari-s of the RV. d.vi s]iee2) (Lat. ovi-s) also takes the normal ending as in the G. s. : avy-as. vi m. bird has in the RV. the N. s. ve-s beside vi-s.
4. The neuters aksi ci/e, asthi hone, dadhi curds, sakthi thigh, form their weakest cases from stems in an ; e. g. L dadhn-a, sakthn-a ; G. aksn-as, asthn-as, dadhn-as. Du.N. aksi-ni (AV.), I. sakthi-bhyam, G. aksn-6s, but sakthy-os (VS.). In the pi. the an stems are used in the N.A. also : aksan-i (beside aksi-ni, AV.), asthan-i (beside asthi-ni, AV.), sakthan-i ; I. aksa-bhis, astha-bhis ; D. astha-bhyas.
5. dyu m. f. ski/ (originally diu, weak grade of dyo, 102, 3) retains this stem before consonant terminations (taking Vrddhi in the N.V. s.), but changes it to div before vowels :
^ Influenced, like pdtyur, by the names of relationship in r (101). 2 Formed regularly like siice from ^dci.
99-100] STEMS IN I AND U 85
Sing. N. dyau-s {Zev9 = zljeu?). A. div-am.^ I. div-a.
D. div-6. Ab.G. div-as (JiFos). L. div-i {AiFt)- V.
dyau-s'- [Z^v). Pl.N. diy-as.^ A. m. dyun/ f. div-as. I. dyii-bhis.^
100. C. Stems in i and u are mostly f. when substan- tives, but a great many as final members of compounds are adjectives used in the m. as well as f.
I. The 1 stems are very differently inflected according as they are radical (a) or derivative {b). The analogy of the primary radical group (1) is closely followed both in inflexion and accentuation by a secondary group (2) of about eighty polysyllabic stems which, though formed with derivative i, are for the sake of clearness best treated as a division of the radical group.
a. The normal endings as they appear in the inflexion of consonant stems are taken throughout this declension. The G. pi., however, preserves the normal ending am in one single form only (dhiy-am), nam being otherwise always added. The N. s. always adds s. Accentuation on the final syllable of the stem is characteristic of this declension, and, except in monosyllabic stems, the acute remains on that syllable throughout. Before vowel endings the i is split to iy in monosyllabic nouns, even when they are final members of compounds,'' as A. dhiy-am, pi. N. nana-dhiy-as having diverse intentions ; but in roots as final members of
^ The stem div, the Samprasarana form of dyav, has made its way into the strong cases, A. s. and N. pi., owing to the very frequent weak cases div-as, &c., which taken together occur more than 350 times in the KV.
^ i.e. diau-s to be pronounced as a disylhible. The s of tlie N. is retained in this form.
3 These two forms, which occur only in the RV. or passages borrowed from it, always mean daijs.
* Except accented -dhf, as a-dhiam (but su-dhi follows the general rule, as su-dhiy-as).
86 DECLENSION [100
compounds only when two consonants precede/ as yajna- priy-am sacrifice-loving, but yajna-nyam (= yajna-niam) leading the sacrifice. Otherwise i is always written as y, but is invariably to be pronounced as i, as nady-am pro- nounced nadiam - stream.
The monosyllabic stems belonging to the radical class are the feminines dht thought, hhifear, sri glory, and the m. vi receiver (occurring only once in the N. s.). The compounds of the first three, being mostly Bahuvrlhis (189), and the compounds formed from the roots kri huy, ni lead, pri love, mi diminish, vi move, si lie, sri mix, being mostly accusative Tatpurusas (187), are both m. and f.
The secondary group consists of more than eighty poly- syllabic stems accented on the final syllable and probably for this reason following the analogy of the radical com- pounds. Excepting about half a dozen they are substantives, nearly all f. The masculines are ahi serpent, rathi charioteer, and about eight compounds.
&. The declension in derivative i embraces a large number of stems formed by means of the suffix i (originally ya) largely to supply a f. to m. words, and not normally accenting the suffix.'' It also includes a large number of miscellaneous f. stems of an independent character having no corresponding m., as sac-i might. It includes seven m. stems, five of
1 In the secondary radical group (a 2, p. 87) the i is split only in samudxi and partly in cakri.
2 The resolved forms given below are spelt with i (not iy as they may have been pronounced) so as to avoid confusion with the written forms of the Samhita text that are spelt with iy. Again the resolved vowel is given as i (not i) because long vowels are regularly shortened in pronunciation before vowels (p. 22, notes 1 and 5).
2 The exceptions are mostly stems in whicli the preceding syllable, having been reduced, throws the accent forward, e.g. uru, f. urv-i, ivide ; or in which, as proper names, the accent has shifted to indicate a change of moaning^ e. g. asikni a river, but ^sikni black.
100] RADICAL AND DERIVATIVE I STEMS 87
which are proper names: Tirasci, Nami, Prthi, Matali, Sobhari, besides rastri ruler, siri iveaver.
The inflexion of these sterns^ differs from that of the radical i stems in three respects : — (1) no s is added in the N. s. m. or f. ; (2) the endings diverge considerably from the normal ones, the s. A. taking m, the D. ai, the Ab.G. as, the L. am, the pi. N.V.A. s ; (3) stems accented on the final vowel shift the acute to the ending in the weak cases of the s., in the G.L. du., and in the G. pi.
a. Radical Stems. h. Derivative Stems.
1. dhi f. tJtaugM. 2. rathi m. f. devi f. goddess.
charioteer.
|
Singular. |
||||
|
N. |
dhi-s |
rathi-s |
devi |
|
|
A. |
dhiy-am |
rathi- am |
devi-m |
|
|
I. D. |
dhiy-a dhiy-e |
rathi-a rathi-e |
devy-a devy-ai |
|
|
G. |
dhiy-as |
rathi-as |
Ab.G. |
devy-as |
|
V. |
rathi Dual. |
L. V. |
devy-am d6vi |
|
|
N.A. |
dhiy-a, -au |
rathi-a |
N.A. V. |
devi d6vi |
|
I. G.L. |
dhi-bhyam dhiy-6s |
rathi-bhyam rathi-os |
D.Ab. |
devi-bhyam devy-6s |
1 In the later language the derivative group (h) absorbs the second- ary radical group (a 2), while borrowing from the latter the N.A.V. du. and the N.V. pi. forms.
|
N. |
dhiy-as |
rathi-as |
|
|
A. |
dhiy-as |
rathi-as |
|
|
I. |
dhi-bhis |
rathi-bhis |
|
|
D. |
rathi-bhyas |
||
|
G. |
dJii-n-am ^ |
G. |
rathi-n-am |
|
L. |
dhi-su |
L. |
ratM-su |
88 DECLENSION [lOO
Plural.
devi-s devi-s devi-bhis devi-bhyas devi-n-am devi-su V. d6vi-s
a. Other words belonging to the secondary radicial class (a 2) are : kumari girl (A. kumariam), tandri weariness (N. tandris), duti mes- senger (N. dutis), nadi siream (A. nadiam), laksmi mark (N. laksmis, A. laksmiam), simhi lio7iess (N. simhis, A. simUam).
B. stri woman, originally a disyllable, is inflected as a radical monosyllabic stem in the sing. A. and pi. N.A.I. : striy-am ; striy-as, stri-bhis (accent); but retains traces of its derivative origin in the s. N. stri (no s), D, striy-di" (AV.), G- striy-as, L. striy-am (AV.).
II. The u declension, which comprises both radical and derivative stems, is much more homogeneous than the i declension. The inflexion of these two classes corresponds exactly to that of the two divisions of the radical i declension. Practically all the .stems in this declension are oxytones (including both the compound radical and the derivative stems).
a. In the radical class there are seven monosyllabic stems, five of which are f. : du gift, bhu earth, bru hroiv, syu thread, sru stream ; one m. and f. : su begetter and mother ; one m. : ju speeding, steed. There are further two reduplicated f. substantives and one adjective : juhu tongue, juhvL sacrificial spoon ; jogu singing aloud. Finally, there are about sixty compounds, almost exclusively formed from about eleven roots, e. g. pari-bhu surrounding.
» dW-n-am occurs seven times in the RV., dhiy-am only once, the latter being the only example of the normal ending.
2 In B. this form is used for the G. ; e. g. striyai payah woman's
milk.
100] RADICAL AND DERIVATIVE U STEMS 89
h. The derivative class comprises two divisions : the one
consists of about eighteen oxytone f. substantives, several
of which correspond to ni, or n. stems in u accented on the
first syllable, e. g. a-grii (m. a-gru) maid ; the other and
more numerous division consists of oxytone f. adjectives
corresponding to m, oxytones, e. g. babhrii (m. babhrti)
hroivn.
a. The normal endings as they appear in the inflexion of consonant stems are taken throughout this declension (radical and derivative).^ The Gr. p]., however, takes the normal am in uncompounded radical stems only,^ but nam in all others. The N. s. always adds s. Before vowel endings the u is split into uv in monosyllabic nouns and generally in compounds with roots as final member (even when pre- ceded by a single consonant). In the minority of such compounds (some nine in the RV.) and in all derivative stems,* it is written as v, but pronounced as u.* Thus A. bhuv-am, a-bhuv-am present ; but vi-bhii-am eminent, tanu-am.
The forms occurring if made from bhu earth and tanu hocly would be the following :
Singular.
radical. derivative.
N. bhu-s tanu-s
A. bhuv-am tanu-am
I. bhuv-a tanu-a
D. tanu-e Ab.G. bhuv-as Ab.G. tanu-as
L. bhuv-i /tanu-i
■ I tanu V. tanu
1 The derivative stems show an incipient tendency to be influenced by the inflexion of the derivative i declension. The RV. has only one such form : svasruam ; the AV. has at least ten such ; the VS. has A. pumscalu-m courtesan, D. tanv-di, G. tanv-as. In B. the D. s. f. ending ai is used for as ; e. g. dhenvd,i retah the seed of the coiv.
- Judging by the only two forms that occur, bhuvam and joguvam.
2 It is, however, split in the derivative stems a-grii, kadrd Soma vessel, in adjectives when u is preceded by y, and in bibhatsii loathiwj,
* Hence in such forms it is given below as u (short because a vowel is shortened before another in pronunciation ; cp. p. 22, note 1).
90
DECLENSION
[100-101
Dual.
N.A. bhuv-a I. bhii-bhyam L. bhuv-6s
N.A. tanii-a D, tanu-bhyam L. tanu-os
Plural.
N. bhuv-as A. bhuv-as
G. bhuv-am
N. tanu-as A. tanu-as I. tanu-bhis D. tanu-bhyas G. tanu-n-am
101. D. Stems in r (m. and f.), which in origin are consonant stems in derivative ar or tar, closely resemble an stems (90) in their declension. Derivative stems in r consist of two groups, the one formed with the original suffix ar, the other with tar. The former is a small group of only eight stems, the latter a very large one of more than 150. Both groups agree in distinguishing strong and weak cases. The strong stem ends in ar or ar, which in the weak forms is reduced to r before vowels and r before consonants. Both groups further agree in dropping the final of the stem in the N. s. m. f., which case always ends in a. They resemble the vowel declension in adding the ending n in the A. pi. m. and s in the A. j)l. f.,^ and in inserting n before the am of the G. pl.'^ They have the peculiar ending ur in the G. s.^
1. The stems in ar are: m. dev-r husband's brother,
nr '
man
sister ; n. ah-ar cla/j, udh-ar udder, vadh-ar iveapon, which
1 Except usr-d,s.
^ Except sv^sr-am and n^r-am.
■• Except n^r-as and usr-ds.
* This word is probably derived with the suffix ar.
^ In this word the r is probably radical : svd-sar.
f. us-f dmvn, nanandr husband's sister, svasr^ |
101] STEMS IN Tl AND Til '91
occur in the N.A, s. only.^ The forms that occur of the first five stems are :
a. Sing. A. devar-am. PI. N. devar-as. L. devr-su.
&. Sing. A. nar-am {d-vep-a). D. nar-e. G. nar-as. L. nar-i (Ep. Gk. d-vep-L). Du. N.A. nar-a. V. nar-a and nar-au. PI. N.V. nar-as (Ep. Gk. d-vep-es). A. nr-n. I. nr-bhis. D.A. nr-bhyas. G. nar-am and nr-n-am.^ L. nf-su.
c. Sing. G. usr-as. L. usr-i and usr-am.^ V. usar. PI. A. usr-as.
d. Sing. G. nanandur. L. nanandari.
e. Sing. N. svasa. A. svasar-am. I. svasr-a. D. svasr-e. Ab.G. svas-ur. Du. svasar-a, -au. L. svasr-os. PI. N. svasar-as. A. svasr-s. I. svasr-bhis. G. svasr-am* and svasf-n-am.
2. This group includes two subdivisions, the one forming its strong stem in tar, the other in tar (Gk. -rrjp, -rcop, Lat. -tor). The former consists of a small class of five names of relationship : three m., pi-tar father, bhra-tar brother, nap-tar grandson, and two f., duh-i-tar daughter and ma-tar mother, together with the m. and f. compounds formed from them. The second division consists of more than 150 stems (including compounds) which are either agent nouns accented chiefly on the suffix, or participles accented chiefly on the root. These stems are never f., and only four are n.
In the tr declension three stems are to be distinguished : the strong, tar or tar ; the middle, tr ; and the weakest, tr. The names of rela- tionship take the Guna form,^ agent nouns the Vrddhi form of the
1 d,h-ar and udh-ar form their other cases from the an stems ah-an and udh-an. Cp. 91. 6. ^ often to be pronounced nfnam.
^ Following the analogy of the derivative i declension.
* svdsr-am and nar-am are the only two forms of the r declension in which am is added direct to the stem.
5 The strong stem n^p-tar does not occur in the RV., napat taking its place.
92
DECLENSION
[101
strong stem. The inflexion of the m. and f. differs in the A. pi. only. The sing. G. is formed in ur, the L. in ari, the V. in ar ; the pi. A. m. in tf n, f. tfs, Ct. in tfnam.
The inflexion of the thi*ee stems da-t^ m. giver [Soy-T-qp, da-tor), pi-tr ni. father {ira-Trjp, pd-ter), ma-tr f. mother {jirj-Tr^p, ma-ter) is as follows :
Singular.
N. data
A. datar-am
I. datr-a D. datr-6 Ab.G. datur L. datar-i V. datar [ScoTep]
pita pitar-am
pitr-a
pitiir
pitar-i {Trarep-i)
pitar {Ju-jjiter)
Dual.
mata matar-am
matr-a inatr-6 matur matar-i matar {fifJTep)
N.A. datar-a, -au
G.L. datr-6s
|
N. |
datar- as i |
|
A. |
datrn |
|
I. D.Ab. |
datr-bhis datr-bhyas |
|
G. |
datr-n-am |
|
i ^' |
datr-su |
V. datar-as
pitar-a, -au
I.D. datf-bhyam pitf-bhyam
pitr-6s Plural.
pitar-as
pitfn
pitr-bhis pitr-bhyas
pitf-n-am
pitr-su
pitar-as
matar-a, -au
matr-bhyam
matr-6s
matar-as
matr-s
matr-n-am
matf-su
matar-as
matr-bhis matr-bhyas
101-102] STEMS IN DIPHTHONGS 93
a. nfip-tr in the RV. occurs in the weak stem only : Sing. I. ndptr-a, D. n£ptr-e, G. ndpt-ur. PI. I. n^ptr-bhis. It is sup23lemented in tho strong forms by n£pat (Lat. nepot-): Sing. N.V. n^pat. A. napat-am. — Du. N.A. nd.pat-a. — PI. N.V. n^pat-as. In the TS. occurs nSptar-am (like svdsar-am among the r stems).
b. The only n. stems occurring are dhar-tf prop, dhma-tf smithy, stha-tf staiionarij, vi-dhar-tf meting out, and of these only about half a dozen forms occur. The only oblique cases met with are the Gr. sthatiir and the L. dhmatd,ri. The N.A. s. owing to its rarity seems never to have acquired fixity in the Veda, but sthatfir represents the normal form. In B. the N.A. form in r begins to be used in an adjectival sense : bhartf sitpporting, janayitf creative.
c. The f. of agent nouns in tr is foi-med with I from the weak stem of the m,, e. g. janitr-i mother (inflected like devf),
102. E. Stems in ai, o, au. The only stems in diphthongs are: rai m. and (rarely) f. tvealtli, go m. hull, f. coio, dyo m. f. sky, nau f. ship, glau m. f. lump. They form a transition from the consonant to the vowel declension ; for while they take the normal endings like the ordinary consonant declension, they add s in the N. s. m. f. and have a vowel before the endings with initial consonant. There are no neuter forms.
1. rai appears as ray before vowels and ra before con- sonants. The forms occurring are : Sing. A. ra-m (Lat. re-m). I. ray-a. D. ray-6 (Lat. rc-l). Ab.G. ray-as. — PI. N. ray-as. A. ray-as.^ G. ray-am.
2. go has as its strong form gau which appears as ga in the A. s. and pi. The Ab.G. are irregular in adding s onlj^ instead of as.^ The forms occurring are : Sing. N. gau-s {^ov-s). A. ga-m (/Sco-i^j. I. gav-a. D. gav-e. Ab.G. go-s. L. gav-i. — Du. gav-a, -au. — PI. N. gav-as. A. ga-s. I, go-bhis. D. go-bhyas. G. gav-am and go-n-am.'' L. go-su. V. gav-as.
1 Rarely ray-as ; once ra-s (SV.).
2 As regards accentuation this word is not treated as a monosyllabic stem, never shifting the accent to the endings.
3 This form, which follows the vowel declension and is much less common than gdv-am, occurs at the end of a Pada only.
94 DECLENSION [102-103
3. dyo m. f. sJcp (cp. 99. 5) is declined like go. The forms occurring are : Sing. N. dyau-s ^ {Zev^)- A. dyam (Lat. diem). Ab.G. dyo-s. L. dyav-i. V. dyau-s and dyau-s- (Zev). — Du. N.A. dyav-a. — PI. N.V. dyav-as.
4. nau is inflected quite regularly as far as can be judged by the fesv forms occurring : Sing. N. nau-s (i/aC-?). N. nav-am {vfjFa). I. nav-a. G. nav-as [vrjf-6'i). L. nav-i {vrjf-i). — PI. N. nav-as {vrjf-e^, ndv-es). A. nav-as {yr]f-as). I. nau-bhis {vav-^i).
5. glau occurs in two forms only: Sing. N. glau-s and PI. I. glau-bhis.^
Degrees of Comparison.
103. 1. The secondary suffixes of the comparative tara^ (Gk. -repo) and the superlative tama (Lat. -timo) are regularly added to nominal stems (both simple and com- pound), substantives as well as adjectives, generally to the weak or middle stem ; e. g. priya-tara dearer, tavas-tara stronger, vapus-tara more wonderful, bhagavat-tara more bounteous ; vrtra-tara a worse Vrtra ; bhuri-davat-tara giving more abundantly ; sasvat-tama most constant ; ratna- dha-tama best bestower of treasure ; hiranya-vasi-mat-tama best wielder of the golden axe ; rathi-tama best cJiarioteer.
a. The final n of the stem is i-etained before these sufiSxes ; e. g. madin-tara more gladdening, vrsan-tama most manly. An n is some- times even inserted ; e. g. surabhi-n-tara more fragrant ; rayin-tama veri/ rich.
1 The same as the N. of dyu (99. 5).
2 That is, diau-s with the proper V. accent, but with anomalous retention of the N. s.
^ The N. pi. glav-as also occurs in the AB.
* These secondary comparatives and superlatives are commoner than the primary in the j^roportion of thi*ee to two.
103] COMPARATIVE AND SUPERLATIVE 95
h. In a few instances the strong stem of a present participle is used ; e. g. vradhan-tama being most mighUj, sahan-tama most victorious ; and the weakest stem of a perfect participle : vidiis-tara mser ; milhus- tama most gracious.
c. These secondary suffixes are occasionally found added to the primary comparatives and superlatives, e. g. sr6stha-tania most beautiful.
d. They also form a comparative and superlative from the preposi- tion ud up : ut-tara higher, ut-tamd,i highest.
e. These suffixes ^ form their f. in a ; e. g. matf-tama most motherly.
2. The primary suffix of the comparative iyams (Gk. -lo^v, Lat. -ior) and that of the superlative istha (Gk. -laro) are added directly to the root, which is regularly accented ' and gunates i and u, but leaves a unchanged apart from nasalization in a few instances. Final radical a combines with the initial of the suffix to e, which is, however, usually to be read as two syllal)les. Examples are : t6j-iyams sJiarper, t6j-istha veri/ sliarp (tij he sharp) ; jav-iyams quieher, jav-istha qiikJcest (ju he sioift) ; yaj-iyams sacrificing hctter, yaj -istha sacrificing hest ; mamh-istha most liberal (mah bestow ahundantly) ; jy^stha greatest and jyestha eldest (jya overcome).
a. In many instances these superlatives attach themselves in mean- ing to derivative adjectives, being formed from the root which the latter contain ; e. g. to-iyams smaller, to-istha smallest beside an-u minute ; dav-iyams/a/Z/icr beside dii-ra/a?- ; dragh-iyams longer, dragh- istha longest beside dirgh-d long ; lagh-iyams lighter beside lagh-ii light; var-iyams wider, var-istha loidest beside ur-ii loide ; ^ds-iyams more fre- quent beside sas-vant constant ; 6s-istha very quick beside 6s-am quickly ; bSrh-istha very lofty beside brh-dnt great; y^v -istha youngest beside ydv-an youth ; v^r-istha most excellent beside var-a choice ; sadh-istha siraightest beside sadh-ii straight.
1 With the accent of the ordinal suffix tamfi.
2 When used as an ordinal suffix tama forms its f. in accented i (cp. 107j.
^ Except jyestha meaning eldest and kanistha meaning youngest.
9.6 DECLENSION [103
13. In a few examples the suffix is added to tlie derivative form of the root which appears in the adjective ; thus as-istha (ui/f-iffTo-s) beside as-u (wK-v-s) sioift (from as reach) ; tiksn-iyams sharper beside tiksna sharp (from tij he sharp) ; n^v-iyams neicer, nav-istha netvest beside u^va neui ; svad-Iyams {tjS'lwv, suuv-ior) sweeter, svad-istha (t^S-io-to-s) beside svad-li {rjh-v-s, suav-i-s) sweet (from svad be sweet).''-
a. Beside the usual forms in iyams there occur about half a dozen alternative comparatives made with the shorter form of the suffix, yams : tav-yams (tav-iyams) stronger ; nav-yams (nav-iyam-s) newer ; pan-yams (pan-iyams) more tvonderful, bhu-yams^ (bhav-iyams) becoming more, greater; rabh-yams (rabh-iyams) more violent; sah-yams (sah-iyams) stronger. Some half-dozen more have no alternative form beside them: jya-yams greater, older; pre-yams dearer, pr^-stha dearest (priya dear) ; vas-yams better, vas-istha best (vasu good) ; sr6-yams {Kpdcov) Utter, sr6-stha best (sri be bright), san-yams (Lat. sen-ior) older (sana old), sthe-yams most steadfast (sthi-ra firm).
h. Some comparatives and superlatives belong to their positives in sense only; e.g. kan-iyams " lesser, tjounger, kan-istha smallest * and kan-istha youngest (alpa small) ; n6d-iyams (Av. nazd-yali) nearer, n6d-istha (Av. nazd- ista) nearest (antika near), vars-iyams higher, vars-istha^ highest (vrddha groivn up).
1 From the adj. pap^ had,i\\e radical element of which is uncertain, is formed direct the comparative pap-iyams in the TS.
2 Here the vowel remains unchanged. This is also the case in the corresponding superlative bhu-y-istha, which moreover adds the suffix with an intervening y.
^ Cp, kan-ya girl{= kania), Gk. /catvo-y (= Kavio-s).
* Appears in this sense in the TS.
^ Cp. vars-man n., vars-mdn m. height.
|
104] CARDINALS |
97 |
|
|
Numerals. |
||
|
104. Cardinals. |
||
|
1. 6-ka. |
19. |
nava-dasa. |
|
2. dva {Svo, Lat. duo). |
20. |
vimsati ^ (Lat. |
|
3. ti'i {rpi, Lat. tri). |
viginti). |
|
|
4. catur (Lat. quatuor). |
30. |
trim-sat. |
|
5. panca (Trerre). |
40. |
catvarim-sat.^ |
|
6. sas (e^, Lat. sex). |
50. |
panea-sat {rrev- |
|
7. sapta {iiTTd). |
rrj-KOVTo). |
|
|
8. asta' (6/crc6, Lat. odd, |
60. |
sas-ti.i° • • • |
|
Gothic ahtaii). |
70. |
sapta-ti. |
|
9. nava (Lat. novem). |
80. |
asi-ti." |
|
10. dasa2(5e/ca). |
90. |
nava-ti. |
|
11. 6ka-dasa.^ |
100. |
satam [k-Karov, |
|
12. dva-dasa^ {Sa>-SeKa). |
Lat. centum). |
|
|
13. trayo-dasa.^ |
1,000. |
sahasra n. |
|
14. catur-dasa.® |
10,000. |
a-yiita n. |
|
15. panca-dasa. |
100,000. |
ni-yiita n. |
|
16. s6-dasa.^ • • |
1,000,000. |
pra-yiita n. |
|
17. sapta-dasa. |
10,000,000. |
arbuda n. |
|
18. asta-dasa.^ |
100,000,000. |
nyarbuda n. |
^ asta is an old dual form.
2 The cardinals between 10 and 20 are Dvandya compounds formed by prefixing the accented unit to da^a ten.
^ Here 6ka stands for 6ka under the influence of dva-dasa.
* Here the N. du. is retained instead of the stem form dva.
s tr^o, for trfiyas (45. 2), is the N. pi. (105).
•5 catur as first member of a compound is regularly accented cStur-.
"^ For sas-daiia through saz-dasa (cp. 69 c, note 3).
^ This and the remaining cardinals are substantives. Those from tioenty to ninehj are either old compounds (adj. and substantive : two decades, &c.) or derivatives formed with -ti.
^ catvarim for catvari, n. pi. (105), like vim^ati and trimsSt. 1" Sixtij to ninety are abstract f. nouns derived from the simple cardinals (except asi-ti) meaning hexad of tens, &c.
^^ ail- is radically cognate to as-ta. 1819 n
98 DECLENSION [104-105
a. The numbers intermediate between the decades 20-100 are Dvandva compounds formed by prefixing the accented unit to the decade ; e. g. asta-vimsati 28 ; 6ka-trimsat 31 ; trayas-trimsat 33 ; nava-catvarimsat 49 ; nava-sasti 69 ; navasiti 89 ; panca-navati 95, san-navati 96, asta-navati 98 ; 6ka-satani 101, catuh-satam 104, trimsac-chatam 130.
a. Intermediate numbers may also be expressed by adding together unit and decade with or without ca ; e.g. nava ea navatim ea nineiy and nine, navatim nava ninety-nine.
P. In the TS. the number preceding a decade is also expressed by §kan nd, by one not = minus one ; thus ekan na vim^ati twenty less one = 19 ; ekan n^ catvarimsat 39 ; ekau ni. sasti 59 ; 6kan nasiti 79 ; 6kan ni, sat^m 99.
h. There are two ways of forming multiples. The larger number in the du. or pi. may be multiplied by the smaller used as an adjective ; e. g. dv6 sat6 200 ; sastim sahasra 60,000 ; trini sata tri sahasrani trimsac ca nava ca 3,339. Otherwise the multiplier prefixed to the larger number foi'ms with it a possessive (adjective) compound accented on the last syllable ; e. g. trayastrimsat tri-satah sat-sahasrah 6,338.
a. Multiples of numbers below 100 are sometimes formed in these two ways ; e.g. navatir nava nine nineties = 810 ; tri-saptd 21, tri-nav^ 27.
Declension of Cardinals.
105 . Only the first four cardinals, like other adjectives, distinguish the genders. 6ka one, while inflected chiefly in the s., forms a pl.^ also in the sense of some ; dva two is of course inflected in the dual only.
1. 6ka is declined like the pronominal adjectives visva
* A N. f. du, form of 6ka in the sense of a certain appears in 6ke yuvati (AV.) a cei'tain pair of maidens.
105] CARDINALS 99
and sarva ' (120 b). The forms occurring in the Samhitas are :
m. s. N. 6kas. A. 6kam. I. 6kena. G. 6kasya. L.
6kasmin. PI. N. 6ke. D. 6kebhyas. f. s. N. 6ka. A. 6kam. I. 6kaya. G. 6kasyas. PI. N.
6kas. n. s. N. 6kam. PI. N. eka.
2. dva tivo is declined quite regularly as a dual, like priya (97 A. 1). The forms occurring are :
m. N. dva,^ dvau. I, dvabhyam. G. dvayos. L. dvayos. f. N. dv6. I. dvabhyam. n. N. dv6. L. dvayos.
3. tri three is declined in the m. n. pi. quite regularly, like suci (98 B). The f. stem is tisr,^ the inflexion of which differs in the N.A. from other r stems* by adding the normal ending as to the unmodified stem. The forms occurring are :
m. PI. trayas. A. trin. I. tribhis. D. tribhyas. G.
trinam. L. trisu. f. N. tisras. A. tisras. I. tisi'bhis. D. tisrbhyas. G.
tisfnam.^ n. N.A. tri, trini.
4. catiir four in the m. n. has the strong stem catvar (cp. Lat. quatiior). In the G. pi., though the stem ends in
1 The <